@article { author = {Alvand, Maeziyeh Sadat and Hosaini, Maryam Sadat}, title = {Analysis of Saudi aggressive / active foreign policy on neoclassical realism perspective 2010-2020}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {1-24}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = {Saudi Arabia has been known as one of the most important and influential countries in the Islamic world and the Middle East for its conservative approach to foreign policy, and has often been recognized as an actor who supports the status quo and opposes change. However, its behavior over the past decade in the regional arena indicates its transition from a conservative approach to a strong tendency towards an aggressive approach. Neoclassical realism analysis is a multilevel analysis that examines unit-level factors, government and macro-factors and offers a complete and appropriate theory of foreign policy by combining internal and external factors. For this reason, the authors claim that neoclassical realism provides a more coherent and appropriate theoretical framework for understanding Saudi foreign policy. In this regard, this article seeks to answer the question of how the behavior of Saudi Arabia's aggressive foreign policy in the last decade can be explained from the perspective of neoclassical realism, using the analytical-explanatory method and using library sources. Accordingly, the hypothesis of the article is that due to the changing domestic, regional and international conditions of Saudi Arabia; The foreign policy behaviors of this country have shifted from a conservative state to an aggressive and security-oriented behavior, and the domestic level has played an effective role in this transformation as well as the systemic and macro level. The results of the research confirm that the presence of multiple levels of change in the behavior of Saudi foreign policy has led to the continuation of approaches resulting from change. At the micro and national levels, the role of the third generation of Saudi leaders, especially the current Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has now become a major player in Saudi foreign policy has been so important in transforming Saudi foreign policy by adopting traditional domestic and foreign policies. The importance of leadership characteristics and the impact of new domestic political priorities on foreign policy behavior. In addition to the role of emerging Saudi leaders, the traditional role of ideology and neo-Wahhabism and the position of Saudi geoculture and the position of the two holy shrines in an effort to restore the leadership of the Islamic world and the role of financial revenues from increased oil sales in recent years and Saudi Arabia. As the largest producer and supplier of oil, he noted that it is very important in adopting an active Saudi foreign policy in the last decade. At the macro level, neoclassicists emphasize the rise of relative power, the influence and maximization of security as neorealists, and the balance of interests alongside the balance of power. According to this theory, countries are always seeking to increase and expand their relative power in order to influence the peripheral environment and beyond. The purpose of influence is to change the decisions of other countries in the direction of its own interests, and this influence usually results in shaping the regional security environment in a way that is in harmony with the interests of the influential country. Saudi Arabia invaded Yemen under its Arab League, intervened effectively in the Syrian crisis to secure its interests, formed an Arab coalition to change political relations with Qatar, both at the time of severing diplomatic relations and seeking to soften relations, and finally, in an effort to permanently balance relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran as its main rival and reduce its deeper influence in the region, it has always sought to maximize its power, security and interests, even at the cost of opposing or disregarding the wishes of its traditional strategically( America) to act. It seems that Saudi Arabia is trying to use the card of necessity of putting pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region in its relations with other supra-regional powers, including China, which is in line with China's Middle East policy of non-interference in its geopolitical rivalries. Iran, as a strategic partner and China's commitment to balancing relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia, does not seem to be successful. However, these efforts represent a fundamental shift in Saudi Arabia's foreign policy approach. On the other hand, it can be a proof that Saudi Arabia and Muhammad bin Salman intend to pursue their active and aggressive approach in order to ensure the maximum interests of Al-Saud and to promote Saudi leadership in the Islamic world in the future. Overall, Saudi Arabia's evolving and active approach to foreign policy over the past decade has several key components, resulting in a combination of levels of analysis influencing foreign policy behavior: first, pursuing the maximum interests of the Saudis and promoting Saudi Arabia's undisputed leadership in the Islamic world; Second, legitimizing Saudi policies and delegitimizing the behavior and approaches of rivals and enemies; Third, the lack of adherence to Saudi Arabia's foreign policy on the priorities of the United States' own traditional allied regions and the search for other powerful global allies looking east; Fourth, weakening the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region and trying to influence regional and supra-regional alliances and coalitions; And finally, maintaining and strengthening the position of the regions of Saudi Arabia and promoting it in the changing world order.}, keywords = {Islamic world,Saudi Arabia,Aggressive/Active Foreign Policy,Neoclassical realism,Conservative and Aggressive Approach}, title_fa = {تحلیل سیاست خارجی تهاجمی/ کنشگرانه عربستان از منظر رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک(2010-2020)}, abstract_fa = {عربستان سعودی به­عنوان یکی از کشورهای مهم و تأثیرگذار جهان اسلام و منطقه خاورمیانه به داشتن رویکردی محافظه­کارانه در سیاست خارجی خود مشهور بوده است و غالبا به­عنوان بازیگری که حامی وضع موجود و مخالف تغییر است، شناخته شده بود. با این وجود رفتارهای این کشور در طول دهه گذشته در عرصه منطقه­ای نشانگر عبور این کشور از رویکرد محافظه­کاری و تمایل شدید به رویکردی تهاجمی است. تحلیل رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک، تحلیلی چندسطحی است و به بررسی عوامل سطح واحد، دولت و عوامل کلان پرداخته و با ادغام عوامل داخلی و خارجی، نظریه­ای کامل و مناسب از سیاست خارجی ارائه می­دهد. به این دلیل، ادعای نگارندگان بر آن است که رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک چارچوب نظری منسجم و مناسب­تری در فهم سیاست خارجی عربستان سعودی به دست می­دهد. در این راستا، این نوشتار با روش تحلیلی-تبیینی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه­ای درصدد پاسخ به این پرسش است که رفتار سیاست خارجی تهاجمی عربستان سعودی در دهه اخیر از منظر رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک چگونه قابل تبیین است؟ بر این اساس فرضیه مقاله آن است که با توجه به تغییر شرایط داخلی، منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی عربستان سعودی؛ الگوهای رفتاری سیاست خارجی این کشور از حالتی محافظه‌کارانه به سوی رفتاری تهاجمی و امنیتی محور سوق یافته است و سطح داخلی به اندازه سطح سیستمی و کلان در این تحول نقش مؤثری ایفا نموده است. نتایج تحقیق موید آن است که حضور سطوح چندگانه تحول رفتار سیاست خارجی عربستان، سبب تداوم رویکردهای ناشی از تحول نیز شده‌است.}, keywords_fa = {جهان اسلام,عربستان سعودی,سیاست خارجی تهاجمی/کنشگرانه,رئالیسم نئوکلاسیک,رویکرد محافظه‌کارانه و تهاجمی}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130903.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130903_1c94249780a268d32f4fde7c6dac87ef.pdf} } @article { author = {Shekh Ghafoori, Hadi and Babri Gonbad, Sakineh and Deheshyar, Hosein}, title = {Explain how to de-secure Iran-Afghanistan relations from 2000 to 2019}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {25-48}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = {Abstract along the years of relationships , these two countries have witnessed various kinds of engagement within political, economic and security areas. Among the most important issues between our two countries are, Hirmand River,the problem of narcotic,Taleban Terrorism and the problem of Afghan refugees as well as economic cooperation. Utilizing the descriptive-analytic method, this article provides true answers to the question of how the relationship between Iran and Afghanistan can be proceed within the De-security framework during 2000 to 2019. In order to test and evaluate the hypothesis of utilizing the theoretical concepts and parameters of securitization -desecuritization within the framework of Copenhagen Security School, endeavors have been taken place to understand better the relationship between two countries within the axis of dsescuritizstion. From this perspective, in answer to the main question, it should be said that with the gradual removal of security issues from the narrow military and political sphere and the transfer of foreign policy from the political-security layers to the economic-trade layers, Iran-Afghanistan relations is at the desired levels of their agents. The country will move towards insecurity. A look at the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Afghanistan shows that these two countries are affected by each other due to their neighborhood. For example, the civil war in Afghanistan led to instability on Iran's borders and the influx of Afghan refugees into Iran. However, there are several factors in the formulation of security policies that have hindered the development of other relations and the emergence of challenges in Iran-Afghanistan relations. From the perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran, US and NATO military movements in Afghanistan, political-consensus instability, and economic instability resulting from the presence of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, along with drug trafficking, especially in the post-Taliban period from 2000 to 2019. It has been a collection of sources threatening the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This issue has emerged in the formulation of Iran's political-security relations with Afghanistan. This approach has hindered the development of economic-trade relations as a first step of cooperation and coordination. From this perspective, getting out of the narrow military circle is criticized from the point of view of those who considered security one-dimensional and in military dimensions, and comprehensive security is discussed. For this purpose, the above research seeks to study the theory of the Copenhagen school and explain relations Economic and trade and its impact on foreign policy orientation in order to destabilize relations; To answer the question of how the relations between Iran and Afghanistan during the period 2000 to 2019 are in the process of becoming insecure? Theoretical Framework According to Buzan, security is a sense of security (mental security), protection against danger (objective security) and freedom from doubt (trust in the personal perceptions of others) .The process of securing issues goes through four main stages: first, the security discourse, which refers to the identification and urgency of existential threats against the government; second, the legitimacy and public acceptance; third, emergency security operations to deal with threats; These actions affect the internal and external relations of governments . According to the practical solutions of the Copenhagen School to make many phenomena and threats insecure, an efficient political system is necessary to discuss the process of generating security threats before considering the appearance of the threat. the concept of building security is one of the most important topics in the Copenhagen School. A phenomenon becomes a security phenomenon when the actor secures the phenomenon during the process and his audience accepts it. Belief in "manifestation of threat" and "public acceptance" are the two main pillars of "security logic".   History of Iran-Afghanistan relations The Islamic Republic of Iran is neighboring 15 countries, but due to historical and cultural commonalities between Iran and Afghanistan, the relations between the two countries are different. The two countries have a common history, culture, religion and language, and in many other cases there are many commonalities and even a common enemy. The Islamic Republic of Iran has always tried to pursue good neighborliness properly. During the years of holy defense, when Iran was facing many problems, it did not hesitate to cooperate with Afghan refugees, which shows the depth of relations between the two countries. After the victory of Jihad, Iran was aligned with the Mojahedin government and did not leave the Afghan people alone during the Taliban rule. After the fall of the Taliban, he also helped build and institutionalize the government. Iran and Afghanistan, despite having a common political border and common cultural and religious interests, are believed to have the greatest potential for expanding political, security, economic and cultural cooperation. Conclusion The economic diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Afghanistan has been a common element of profit and profit and an effective and relatively sustainable lever in managing water disputes, if the two countries can define a package of mutual interests in the form of economic diplomacy, this dependence Bilateral economic, the two sides will share in the fair use of water resources. In these circumstances, when the outcome of the combination of economic diplomacy and the water issue forms a kind of win-win diplomacy and paves the way for a major deal, it is highly likely that the parties can reach a common solution to the management of the existing water dispute.}, keywords = {Copenhagen School,Security,De scurity,Economic Diplomacy and Terrorism}, title_fa = {تبیین غیرامنیتی سازی روابط ایران و افغانستان ( دوره زمانی 2000 تا 2019)}, abstract_fa = {آغاز روابط ایران و افغانستان را می‌توان از زمان اعلام استقلال افغانستان دانست. قرابت جغرافیایی و روابط تاریخی موجب شده تا هیچ کشور دیگری نتواند نقشی مهم‌تر از ایران را در جامعه افغانستان ایفا کند. در این راستا ان دو کشور در طول این سال ها روابط گوناگونی را در حوزه های سیاسی- اقتصادی و امنیتی داشته اند. از مهمترین مسائل مابین دو کشور در دوره زمانی مورد نظر می توان از مسئله رودخانه هیرمند، مسئله موادمخدر و تروریسم طالبان و مسئله مهاجران افغانی در کنار همکاری های اقتصادی نام برد. این مقاله با استفاده از روش توصیفی- تحلیلی در پی پاسخ به این سؤال است که روابط ایران و افغانستان در سالهای 2000 تا 2019 چگونه در فرایند غیر امنیتی شدن قرار می گیرد؟ به همین منظور با بهره گیری از کاربـست مفـاهیم و مولفـه هـای نظـری امنیتی سازی و غیر امنیتی سازی در چارچوب مکتب امنیتی کپنهاگ تلاش می شود شناخت و درک بهتری از مسائل حول محور غیر امنیتی سازی روابط ایران و افغانستان حاصـل شود. از این منظر در پاسخ به سوال اصلی باید گفت با خارج نمودن تدریجی مسائل امنیتی از دایره تنگ نظامی و سیاسی و انتقال سیاست خارجی از لایه های سیاسی-امنیتی به لایه های اقتصادی-تجاری ، روابط ایران و افغانستان در سطوح مورد نظر کارگزاران این دو کشور به سمت غیر امنیتی خواهد رفت.}, keywords_fa = {مکتب کپنهاگ,امنیتی سازی,غیر امنیتی سازی,دیپلماسی اقتصادی و تروریسم}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130904.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130904_bc2dc4f22e12c5faf552eda782963115.pdf} } @article { author = {Simbar, Reza and Rezapour, Danial and Azin, Sadigheh}, title = {Islamic Republic of Iran s The policy towards the GCC countries}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {49-72}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = { The Middle East is one of the most important, sensitive and complex regions in the world. What makes this region stand out in all its dimensions and areas is its unique political, economic, cultural-social, geographical and geopolitical features. These conditions have somehow overshadowed the structural equations of the region under the dialectical influence of the interaction of political, economic, cultural-social and security components and power in relation to other actors in the region, so that the increase of cooperation of these governments in this interaction space, eventually led to the formation of an organization called the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 in the Persian Gulf regional system. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is one of the most important regional organizations in the regional environment of Iran, and Iran's policies have always played an important role in the orientations and goals of the council. In this regard, the members of the Council considered the developments in the Middle East, especially the establishment of a democratic and Shiite government in Iraq and the developments of the Islamic Awakening as a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran and increasing power and influence in the regions of Iran. Movements in the regions of Iran see their lives and survival in danger.  This has caused them to use all their facilities and tools to counter the growing power of the regions of Iran. Understanding the real tensions between Iran and the Saudi-led PGCC countries along the Shiite-Sunni lines in the PGCC has been shaped most regionally and internationally. These differences also undermine Iran's efforts to improve relations with council governments in recent years. Since Hassan Rouhani came to power, he has repeatedly proposed peace initiatives for Saudi-led PGCC member states. Not only has this pragmatic policy not been very successful, but Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have become much colder than before. Relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have worsened since the Barjam nuclear deal. Iran's regional expansion and the siege of Qatar, while changing the power structure in the Persian Gulf region, created more tension and insecurity in the region and increased the scope of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially after Trump's unilateral withdrawal from the UN Security Council and the announcement of "maximum pressure policy." He turned against Iran. Although several smaller Gulf states have taken a more balanced approach to their relations with Iran, the main policy of the council is by Saudi Arabia with a new configuration of Middle East policy that sees a rare tripartite convergence of interests was regulated against Iran between Saudi Arabia and Israel. and the United States under Trump. According to the actions of the Cooperation Council and foreign interventionist powers, Iran's policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is mainly based on three considerations: First, it hopes to turn enemies into friends, improves Iran's isolated position, and resolves the security-geopolitical dilemma in the Persian Gulf region. Second, Tehran's goal is to develop trade relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors and promote Iran's economic development, and third, to cooperate with Iran to reduce US influence in the Persian Gulf and weaken its hostility to Iran. Therefore, this article uses a method of analytical research to review the regional and international policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a historical perspective to explain the relations with the neighbors of the Cooperation Council in the post-Iran-Iraq period. The question that arises is what has been the main component and axis of Iran's policy after the Holy Defense, especially during the presidency of Mr. Rouhani towards the PGCC? . This study shows that during Mr. Rouhani's administration, improving relations with the PGCC has been the main focus of Iran's efforts to improve security in the Persian Gulf region. However, a number of structural obstacles, historical distrust, and Iran's movements in the region have severely hostile Tehran's relations with the Cooperation Council and have further increased insecurity in the region as Iran's growing influence in the Arab region coincides with its anti-hegemonic policy. This means that Iran's peace initiatives with the Cooperation Council have faced major obstacles, and Iran's success in reducing tensions and promoting peace plans with the PGCC has not been useful.}, keywords = {Iran,PGCC,Saudi Arabia,USA,Regional security}, title_fa = {سیاست جمهوری اسلامی ایران در قبال کشورهای شورای همکاری خلیج فارس}, abstract_fa = {  شورای همکاری خلیج فارس از مهم‌ترین سازمان‌های منطقه‌ای در محیط منطقه‌ای ایران است و سیاست‌های ایران همواره نقش مهمی در جهت‌گیری‌ها و اهداف شورا داشته است. مقاله حاضر سعی کرده است با واکاوی سیاست‌های ج.ا. ایران در 20 سال گذشته براساس تحولات خاورمیانه و تئوری امنیت منطقه‌ای به این سوال پاسخ دهد که مولفه و محور اصلی ج.ا. ایران پس از دفاع مقدس مخصوصا در دوران ریاست جمهوری آقای روحانی در قبال شورای همکاری خلیج فارس چه چیزی بوده است؟ این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که در دوره دولت آقای روحانی، بهبود روابط با شورای همکاری خلیج فارس محور اصلی تلاش‌های ایران برای بهبود امنیت منطقه خلیج فارس بوده است. با این وجود، تعدادی از موانع ساختاری، عدم اعتماد تاریخی و تحرکات ایران در منطقه، روابط تهران با کشورهای شورای همکاری را شدیدا خصمانه کرده و باعث افزایش بیشتر ناامنی در منطقه شده است زیرا نفوذ فزاینده ایران در منطقه عربی همراه با سیاست ضد هژمون، به این معنی است که ابتکارات صلح ایران با شورای همکاری با موانع بزرگی روبرو شده و موفقیت ایران در کاهش تنش‌ها و برنامه‌ ترویج طرح‌های صلح با شورای همکاری خلیج فارس ثمره‌ای نداشته است. این مقاله با روش تحقیق تحلیلی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه‌ای سعی در بررسی این موضوع دارد.}, keywords_fa = {ایران,شورای همکاری خلیج فارس,عربستان,آمریکا,امنیت منطقه‌ای}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130906.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130906_d7014719734f623250ad30a7d70f3cc3.pdf} } @article { author = {Jan Parvar, Mohsen and Saleh Abadi, Reyhaneh and Bahrami Jaf, Sajed}, title = {Analysis and explanation of the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {73-96}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = {The Islamic world is a vast expanse of countries with numerous and diverse populations. Having human population as well as geographical sources of power has caused many crises between different actors in this area. Meanwhile, geopolitical crises are not easily solvable due to their stability and continuity, so they are considered long-term crises and often cause many conflicts and tensions between human and space structures.. This article has been written with the aim of investigating the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world by descriptive-analytical research method and the required information has been collected using the library method and referring to authoritative sources, books or articles. The research findings show that the geopolitical crisis in the Islamic world region is a situation in which the geographical sources of power is considered as the main source of conflict, conflict, etc. between the actors in transnational, national, regional and regional relations. It is universal. In other words, the geopolitical crisis in this region arises when the actors in their transnational, national, regional and global relations differ from each other on one or more geographical sources of power and as a result, compete with each other. Finally, the results show that in general, the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world are due to political relations between the actors and also affect the geographical sources of power. Keywords: Crisis, Geopolitical Crisis, Islamic World, Relations Between Actors  Introduction Islam is the second largest religion in the world in terms of number of followers. The Islamic world is a vast expanse of land whose main shape begins in a rectangular shape from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean and extends to the southwest and northeast of Central Asia, and in total covers most of Asia and Africa and part of Europe. This vast region, which is about 170 degrees west and east longitude and less than 70 degrees north and south latitudes of the planet, covers about 22% of the earth's land and geographical space, and forms the structure. Spatial-geographical is a special feature that distinguishes it from other spatial-geographical structures in the world, such as the structure of Buddhism, Western, etc. The Islamic world is the so-called lands where the majority of its people follow the religion of Islam. The Islamic world now includes a land with a diverse composition in terms of human characteristics and natural contexts and conditions. The religion of Islam before the eleventh century, however, has succeeded; Uniform geography in terms of culture, history and territorial importance in all parts of the world. however, from this century onwards, it was the geopolitical tragedy of the Islamic world; because the lack of unity among Muslims caused divisions, and these divisions gradually became associated with geographical factors and deepened the differences. The Islamic world is currently suffering from various tensions and crises, and we would not be exaggerating if we consider the dominant strategic environment in the Islamic world to be unstable, insecure and unsuitable in terms of sustainable development indicators. A crisis in a geographical area can be rooted in various causes, from some cases and characteristics imposed on that area to some intrinsic features of a geographical area, all and sundry can pave the way for the formation of a crisis in the area to be considered. On this basis, it can be argued that the geopolitics of a region will also lead to a crisis. Considering that the Islamic world covers a large part of the lands that are of strategic, geo-economics, etc. importance, and to some extent, the relations between Islamic countries and the Islamic Republic can be observed and studied in the Islamic world region. It is very important to pay attention to the types of crises in this region. Therefore, studying and rooting out the crises of the Islamic world and recognizing the most important causes and contexts of conflict in the Islamic world at different scales and patterns is an important step in reducing such conflicts and resolving them with a peace-building approach. Therefore, the present study seeks to investigate the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world, which is of greater geopolitical importance and geopolitical crises of many internal and external origins have occurred in this region.   Research methodology The prevailing paradigm in this research is based on a descriptive perspective in which it describes and analyzes the geopolitical crises in the Islamic world. Therefore, the research method of this article is descriptive-analytical. The required information has been collected using the library method and by referring to authoritative sources, books or articles. This study seeks to explain the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world based on a new approach to geopolitical knowledge. Based on the present study, by presenting a new model, it tries to study and analyze the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world based on two cycles of geopolitical knowledge (sources of geography of power) and (political relations between actors). Conclusion The changes and developments that have taken place in recent decades have provided the ground for extensive changes in the field of geopolitical knowledge and in various ways have helped to increase its fields of study in the form of emerging trends. Geopolitics has gained prominence in recent decades. Because, the extensive changes that have taken place in the contemporary world, such as globalization and consequently the dramatic growth of content related to different cultures and religions, as well as increasing inclination to Islam around the world, the level of acting in Islam has been at different levels. In other words, the Islamic world has a prominent geopolitical position due to its strategic location, underground resources, large population and the progress of Islam compared to other religions. However, despite these geographical sources of power, due to the existence of various geopolitical crises among the members of the Islamic world, it has caused a decline in the position and lack of proper use of the geographical capabilities of the Islamic world. The research has tried to analyze the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world with a new approach. Geopolitical crisis is a situation in which the geographical sources of power are the main source of conflict, debate, discord, etc. between the actors in transnational, national, regional and global relations. In other words, a geopolitical crisis arises when actors in their transnational, national, regional, and global relations differ and compete with each other on one or more geographical sources of power. The geopolitical crises in the Islamic world are generally based on two parts: the geographical sources of power and the political relations between the actors. In other words, part of the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world are based on the primary cycle (conflict over ownership or use of geographical sources of power) and overshadow the secondary cycle (relations between actors). Another part of the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world is based on the relations between the actors and based on these relations, the geographical sources of power are affected. Based on the initial cycle of geopolitical knowledge (geographical sources of power), geopolitical crises were classified into four dimensions of recognizing, acquiring, productivity and preserving the geographical sources of power, and for each of them, examples from the Islamic world were given. Also, according to the second cycle of geopolitical knowledge (political relations of actors), geopolitical crises were classified into four dimensions: scale of relations, form of relations, level of power and role-playing of actors and strategies of actors, and for each dimension, examples of the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world were brought. In general, the results showed that the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world are due to political relations between the actors and also affect the geographical sources of power.}, keywords = {geopolitical,crises . Islamic world}, title_fa = {واکاوی و تبیین بحران‌های ژئوپلیتیک جهان اسلام}, abstract_fa = {جهان اسلام گستره‌ای وسیع از کشورها با جمعیت متعدد و متنوع است. دارا بودن جمعیت انسانی و نیز منابع جغرافیایی قدرت سبب بروز بحران‌های متعددی بین بازیگران مختلف در این گستره شده است. در این میان بحران‌های ژئوپلیتیکی به دلیل پایداری و تداومی که دارند به سادگی قابل حل نیستند از این‌رو از نوع بحران‌های درازمدت محسوب می‌شوند و اغلب باعث بروز درگیری‌ها و تنش‌های فراوان بین سازه‌های انسانی و فضایی می‌شوند. این مقاله با هدف بررسی بحران-های ژئوپلیتیکی جهان اسلام با روش تحقیق توصیفی – تحلیلی نوشته شده است و اطلاعات مورد نیاز با استفاده از روش کتابخانه‌ای و با مراجعه به منابع معتبر، کتب مقالات گردآوری گردید. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که بحران ژئوپلیتیک در منطقه جهان اسلام از نوع وضعیتی می‌باشد که در آن منابع جغرافیایی قدرت به عنوان منبع اصلی منازعه، کشمکش، اختلاف و غیره بین بازیگران در مناسبات فروملی، ملی، منطقه‌ای و جهانی می‌باشد. به بیان دیگر بحران ژئوپلیتیک در این منطقه زمانی ایجاد می‌شود که بازیگران در مناسبات فروملی، ملی، منطقه‌ای و جهانی خود روی یک یا چند منبع جغرافیایی قدرت با یکدیگر اختلاف داشته باشند و به رقابت با یکدیگر بپردازند. در نهایت نتایج تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که به صورت کلی بحران‌های ژئوپلیتیک جهان اسلام ناشی از مناسبات سیاسی بین بازیگران بوده و منابع جغرافیای قدرت را نیز تحت تاثیر قرار می‌دهد.}, keywords_fa = {بحران,بحران ژئوپلیتیک,جهان اسلام,مناسبات بین بازیگران}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130907.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130907_2d6c5c938aa7dc30dcb618a1a1077523.pdf} } @article { author = {Meraji, Ebrahim and Dehshiri, Mohammad Reza}, title = {The Islamic Revolution of Iran from the American Regional Interests Perspective}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {97-116}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = {Introduction For decades, the United States has been as a major non-regional actor in the West Asia and Middle East region, and by continued presence, it has brought benefits to itself from the economic benefits of selling military weapons, to securing energy and protecting regional allies. The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution transformed the region's environment, which ultimately had a direct impact on US interests in the region and challenged the country. This article tries to use the theory of structural realism and on that basis, it expresses the issues of balance of power and Buck Passing. Method The paper's methodology is an analytical-descriptive approach. Results and Discussion According to the findings of this study, the Islamic Revolution has had a negative impact on US regional interests. Iran was a reliable partner in safeguarding US interests. It was also a good market for US weapons. With the revolution in Iran, groups opposed to the US presence in the region strengthened. Conclusion Since most countries in the region have some kind of good relations with the United States and this country has a significant influence on the politics and government of the countries in the region, the support of the Islamic Republic to non-governmental actors is significant. In this study, author specifically addressed the challenges and negative consequences of the Iranian revolution for the interests of the United States and its partners, such as Israel, and tried to analyze them by citing concrete examples and statistics in this article.  }, keywords = {the Islamic Revolution of Iran,US regional interests,resistance groups,transfer of responsibility,Balance of Power}, title_fa = {انقلاب اسلامی ایران از منظر منافع منطقه ای آمریکا}, abstract_fa = {  دهه هاست که ایالات متحده در منطقه غرب آسیا و خاورمیانه به عنوان یک بازیگر عمده غیرمنطقه ای ایفای نقش می‌کند و به واسطه این حضور مستمر و مداوم برای خود منافعی را مترتب است. از منافع اقتصادی حاصل از فروش تسلیحات نظامی گرفته، تا امنیت در تامین انرژی و حمایت از متحدان منطقه ای. وقوع انقلاب اسلامی منجر به دگرگون شدن محیط منطقه گردید که در نهایت آثار مستقیم بر منافع ایالات متحده در منطقه گذارد و این کشور را با چالش هایی مواجه ساخت.پژوهش حاضر که با روش توصیفی تحلیلی نگاشته شده است، به دنبال پاسخ به این سوال می باشد که: چالشهای ایجاد شده بر منافع منطقه ای ایالات متحده به موجب انقلاب اسلامی ایران چیست؟ و در پاسخ آورده ایم: انقلاب اسلامی ایران بعد از چهار دهه از وقوع آن، ضمن از دست رفتن مهمترین شریک استراتژیک آمریکا و بازار تسلیحاتی آن (ایران) امروزه ایران را در جایگاه یکی از تاثیرگذارترین بازیگران منطقه ای، با ظرفیت نفوذ سیاسی در تعیین معادلات داخلی کشورهای منطقه (عراق، لبنان، یمن) و حضور میدانی در تداوم دولت های منطقه(سوریه) بوده که منجر به آسیب پذیری منافع آمریکا گشته است.جهت اثبات فرضیه فوق، در طول پژوهش با ذکر زمینه های تاریخی جهت فهم دقیق تر موضوع، از نظریه «احاله مسئولیت» و «موازنه قوا» جان مرشایمر استفاده گردیده است.}, keywords_fa = {انقلاب اسلامی ایران,منافع منطقه ای آمریکا,گروه های مقاومت,احاله مسئولیت,موازنه قوا}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130908.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130908_54d06a5b7737cfe0edcf6279f8fa8d38.pdf} } @article { author = {Hedayati, Mohammad Reza}, title = {The future of Iran's science and technology interactions with Islamic countries based on the roadmap for scientific empowerment of the Islamic world}, journal = {The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World}, volume = {2}, number = {6}, pages = {117-148}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Iranian Association of Geopolitics and Center of Islamic World Futures Studies (CIWFS)}, issn = {2717-0926}, eissn = {2717-0934}, doi = {}, abstract = {    "Science orientation" is one of the fundamental features of the Islamic school. Islam's view of science and learning was that Muslims, in addition to acquiring Islamic sciences in their geographical location throughout history, traveled to any land, did not ignore learning the sciences of that land and did not show indifference to the knowledge of others. As a result, from the end of the eighth century to the end of the twelfth century AD, for at least four centuries, the Islamic world became the forerunner of science and knowledge throughout the universe. Unfortunately, from the thirteenth century onwards, this steering was gradually transferred to the Western world. The present study seeks to improve the component of Muslim science and technology through Iran's scientific and technological interactions with Islamic countries and based on a comprehensive strategic plan to help the Islamic world return to power in the distant future. The main research question is: "What is the strategic and comprehensive strategic plan of Iran's science and technology interactions with Islamic countries in order to empower Muslims and increase the power of the Islamic world in the long run?" The research hypothesis is that "it seems that Iran's science and technology interactions with Islamic countries based on a strategic and comprehensive method will empower Muslims and increase the power of the Islamic world in the long run."   Drawing a method for empowering Muslim science and technology using a strategic model of balanced approach and based on the proposed perspective Proposed vision of increasing the power of Muslim science and technology in interaction with Iran on the horizon of 1414 A.H simultaneously with the second step of the revolution The researcher's suggestion in all indicators related to education, research, technology and innovation (except spiritual and educational indicators), is to obtain the level of science and technology indicators with a global average in the target Islamic countries. As a result, the strategic goals of the vision in the horizon of 1414 A.H of the Islamic world and at the same time with the second stage of the revolution in the country, are proposed as follows:     Strategic goals in the 15-year vision of empowering Muslims in the field of science and technology (1414 A.H. equal to 2035 AD), coordinated Islam countries (five cases) and the target community (two cases) are: • Achieving scientific-educational indicators at a level above the global average; • Achieving scientific-research indicators at a level equivalent to the global average; • Achieving scientific-technological indicators at the level of 80% of the global average; • Achieving scientific-innovation indicators at the level of 60% of the global average; • Able to apply science and technology in the scene of individual and social life; • Acquiring socio-economic status at a suitable level with the global average; • Development and promotion of self-confidence in the Islamic and revolutionary movement; • Independent in the political-cultural fields in the style of the Islamic Republic of Iran; • Comprehensive progress in the level and dignity of the leading countries of the Islamic world; • Having a constructive and effective interaction in regional relations and Islamic international relations. 8.2 The proposed method based on the balanced scorecard approach as a template      Considering the importance of the strategy map, it seems that designing a model and compiling a method for science and technology in Islamic countries will be one of the most important management techniques to support the Muslim empowerment mission. Now with regard to ecology and other topics in the article, collecting the necessary data and information and analyzing them, the proposed method is presented as a template for achieving the vision of hypothesis, and it is obvious that this map can be updated with a brief fieldwork:  }, keywords = {Future research,Science and Technology,Iran,roadmap,Empowerment and the Islamic World (Islamic Countries)}, title_fa = {آینده ی تعاملات علم و فناوری ایران با کشورهای اسلامی براساس نقشه راه توانمندسازی علمی جهان اسلام}, abstract_fa = {  «علم مداری» یکی از ویژگی‌های بنیادین مکتب‌اسلام است. نگاه اسلام نسبت به‌علم و علم‌آموزی بود که مسلمانان علاوه بر کسب علوم اسلامی در مکان جغرافیایی خود در طول تاریخ به‌هر سرزمینی راه یافتند، از فراگرفتن علوم آن سرزمین نیر کوتاهی نورزیده و در برابر دانش دیگران بی‌اعتنایی نشان نداده تا در نتیحه از اواخر قرن هشتم تا اواخر قرن دوازدهم میلادی به‌مدت حداقل چهار قرن، جهان اسلام طلایه‌دار علم و دانش در سراسر گیتی شدند. پژوهش حاضر در پی آن است تا از طریق تعاملات علمی و فناوری ایران با کشورهای اسلامی و براساس نقشه راه راهبردی و جامع، مؤلفه علم و فناوری مسلمانان را ارتقا داده تا به بازگشت جهان اسلام به دایره قدرت در آینده دور، کمک مؤثر بشود.سؤال اصلی تحقیق عبارت ‌است از: «نقشه راه راهبردی و جامعِ تعاملات علم و فناوری ایران با کشورهای اسلامی به‌منظور توانمندسازی مسلمانان و افزایش قدرت جهان اسلام در آینده بلندمدت، کدام است؟». فرضیه پژوهش این است که «به‌نظر می‌رسد تعاملات علم و فناوری ایران براساس نقشه‌راه راهبردی و جامع با کشورهای اسلامی، موجب توانمندسازی مسلمانان و افزایش قدرت جهان اسلام در آینده بلندمدت، خواهد شد».روش تحقیق این پژوهش، آمیخته(کمی و کیفی)/ توصیفی- تحلیلی و پیمایشی است و جمع‌آوری داده‌ها به‌روش کتابخانه‌ای و میدانی(پُرسشنامه و مصاحبه) صورت گرفته است.}, keywords_fa = {آینده‌پژوهی,علم و فناوری,ایران,نقشه راه,توانمندسازی و جهان اسلام(کشورهای اسلامی)}, url = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130909.html}, eprint = {https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_130909_b5349897beb8b8970f8af873e56a34c1.pdf} }