ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
تحلیل اسناد راهبردی رژیم صهیونیستی (استراتژی امنیت ملی، استراتژی آیزنکوت و استراتژی نظامی)
روش معمول اکثر بازیگران برای تعیین اولویتهای مهم امنیت ملی، ارائه اسناد راهبردی است که به تعیین منافع، ادراک آنها از تهدیدات و تعدادی از راهحلهای مناسب برای حفظ امنیت ملی میپردازد. با توجه به آنکه اهداف رژیم صهیونیستی به طور مستقیم و غیرمستقیم منافع ایران را تحت تأثیر قرار میدهد، بررسی اسناد راهبردی و فهم ادراکات این بازیگر ضروری است. لذا سؤال تحقیق آن است که محتوای اسناد راهبردی رژیم صهیونیستی چگونه است؟ ماهیت این تحقیق توصیفی-تحلیلی از نوع مطالعه موردی کیفی میباشد و از روش تجزیه و تحلیل محتوای کیفی برای بررسی موضوع مد نظر استفاده شده است. جامعه آماری این پروژه اسناد راهبردی اخیر رژیم صهیونیستی میباشد. برای بررسی این موضوع سعی شده است که مفاهیم اساسی از ادبیات موجود و اسناد راهبردی استخراج شود. پنج مقوله اصلی که در این بررسی استفاده شده-اند شامل «دیدگاه استراتژیک»، «اهداف و منافع»، «تهدیدات»، «ابزارها» و «روشهای اقدام» هستند و تعداد زیر مقولههای فرعی ۱۴ و زیر مقولههای فرعی سطح دو نیز ۵۸ مورد میباشند. یافتههای حاصل از بررسی اسناد راهبردی رژیم صهیونیستی نشان میدهد که این بازیگر محیط پیرامونی خود را رقابتی میبینند. اسناد راهبردی رژیم صهیونیستی در مقولههای اهداف به «حفظ دوره آرامش، تمامیت ارضی و امتیازات امنیتی اسرائیل» و «بهبود قابلیتهای نظامی»، تهدیدات به «نظامی-متعارف و غیرنظامی-خشونتآمیز و غیر خشونتآمیز»، ابزارها به «ابزار نظامی و اطلاعات» و روش بهکارگیری از ابزارها در رویکرد به «آمادگی و تسلیم کردن» و در شیوه اقدام به «یکجانبهگرایی یا چندجانبه گرایی دروغین» اشاره دارد.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142100_8996ce75690edc564b6cd5ec8ea4e6f3.pdf
2021-08-23
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38
رژیم صهیونیستی
اسناد راهبردی
دیدگاههای استراتژیک
هدفگذاری و جهتگیریها
رحمان
حبیبی
r.habibi7234@gmail.com
1
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد روابط بینالملل دانشگاه شهید بهشتی
LEAD_AUTHOR
مجید
یوسفی
dr.yousefi95@gmail.ir
2
دکتری مدیریت راهبردی از دانشگاه عالی دفاع ملی
AUTHOR
علی
رودباری
3
دانشیار دانشگاه علوم هوانوردی شهید ستاری
AUTHOR
Abedi Sar Asia (2016), "Modern Hermeneutics and Interpretive Theory of Shahid Motahari", Approaches to Quranic and Hadith Sciences, No. 97. 117-97.
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Momeni Rad, Akbar; Aliabadi, Khadijeh; Fardanesh, Hashem and Mazini, Nasser (2013), "Qualitative Content Analysis in the Research Tradition: Nature, Stages and Validity of Results", Journal of Educational Measurement, No. 14.
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Mousavi, Mohammad (2007) (a), "Introduction to Hermeneutics and its Types", Peyk Noor, No. 5.
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Mousavi, Mohammad (2007) (b), "Hermeneutics as a Method in Political Thought", Political Science Quarterly of Karaj Azad University, No. 7.
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Tabrizi, Mansoureh (2014), "Qualitative Content Analysis from the Perspective of Deductive and Inductive Approaches". Social Sciences Quarterly, No. 64.
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Tayebi Abolhassani, Amir Hossein (2019), "Introduction to Research Methods: Standard Procedures for Qualitative Data Analysis", Journal of Science and Technology Policy Lettersis, No. 2.
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Israel Defense Forces Strategy document of Israel in 2015.
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Meridor, D., & Eldadi, R. (2019). Israel’s national security doctrine: The report of the Committee on the Formulation of the National Security Doctrine (Meridor Committee) ten years later. Tel Aviv: Institute for National Security Studies(No. 187). Memorandum.
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ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
الگویابی مناسبات قدرتهای منطقهای در مناطق شکننده مطالعه موردی؛ ایران و عربستان در جنوب غرب آسیا
عوامل و متغیرهای جغرافیایی و ژئوپلیتیک، ایجاد کننده و شکل دهنده به کیفیت روابط ژئوپلیتیک در منطقه شکننده هستند. جنوب غرب آسیا از جمله مناطق شکننده جهان است که مناسبات قدرت های درون و برون منطقه ای نقش مؤثری در پیدایش شرایط شکننده آن داشته است. پژوهش حاضر با هدف شناخت الگوی مناسبات قدرتهای منطقهای جنوب غرب آسیا و در چارچوب نظریه نظام جهانی و مناطق شکننده سوئل کوهن انجام شده است. فرضیه مقاله این است که دهه ها هماوردی و تقابل ناشی از تعارض علایق و منافع ژئوپلیتیک ج.ا.ایران و عربستان، به پایداری شکنندگی منطقه انجامیده و الگوی ناپایداری ایجاد کرده است. روش انجام این پژوهش توصیفی است و برای تبیین و استنتاج بحث، دادهها و اطلاعات مورد نیاز پژوهش از اسناد و منابع کتابخانهای گرداوری شده است. بررسی نشان داد رویکرد قلمروگستری این دو قدرت به تنشهای پرهزینه انجامیده و بنبست ژئوپلیتیک ایجاد کرده است؛ در حال حاضر چشم اندازی برای تحقق هژمونی یک جانبه در جنوب غرب آسیا وجود ندارد و الگوی هماوردی و تقابل در مناسبات دو کشور نیز عملاً افزون بر تشدید تنشها و هزینهها، زمینه مداخله گستردهتر قدرتهای فرامنطقه در مناسبات منطقهای خواهد داشت.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142101_76290449b04385b602ed56e483f7f199.pdf
2021-08-23
39
64
ژئوپلیتیک
منطقه شکننده
جنوب غرب آسیا ایران و عربستان
حسین
ربیعی
hosseinrabiei@hotmail.com
1
دانشگاه خوارزمی گروه جغرافیای سیاسی
LEAD_AUTHOR
محمدرضا
نامی
m.rezanami36@gmail.com
2
گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی
AUTHOR
مراد
کاویانی راد
kaviani75@yahoo.com
3
گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی
AUTHOR
عطاالله
عبدی
ataabdi@gmail.com
4
گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی
AUTHOR
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ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
هندوستان٬ کلان استراتژی مائوسام و منافع ملی ایران
راه ابریشم نوین یا ابتکار کمربند و جاده بلندپروازانه ترین کلانپروژه در زمانه کنونی به شمار می آید که نمود و نماد اعمال قدرت چین در ورای مرزهای خود است. از سوی دیگر٬ هندوستان چندی است که در واکنش کوشیده است تا با کلان استراتژی نوین خود٬ مائوسام٬ به مهار کلان پروژه چینی بپردازند. برای رقابت با ابتکار کمربند و جاده٬ این استراتژی هندی بر دو جاده کتان و جاده کالادان استوار است. از این دریچه٬ اقیانوس هند نقطه ثقل رقابت میان جاده دریایی راه ابریشم نوین و کلان استراتژی مائوسام است. نوشته پیشِ رو به تبیین پرسش اساسی خود درباره تاثیر کلان استراتژی مائوسام بر منافع ملی ایران می پردازد. "عوامل شکل گیری کلان استراتژی مائوسام چیست؟" این پرسش بنیادین و محوری نوشته پیش روست که خوانشی تحلیلی از تاثیر حضور هند در غرب آسیا و مشخصا ایران را نمایان میسازد. فرضیه نوشته هم بر این استدلال استوار است که مائوسام یک نوع راهبرد مهارِ مهار است. نوشته با ذکر جزییات کنشگری ویژه هند در واکنش به چین و خط مشی های آن در محیط پیرامونی ایران بیان می کند. همچنین٬ دامنه و گستره سیاستهای دهلی در این منطقه مورد بررسی قرار خواهند گرفت. مهمتر این که نوشته نشان میدهد که جاده کتان هند بیشترین وابستگی را به بندر چابهار داشته و این بندر ژئواستراتژیک دروازه ورود هند به اوراسیاست. امری که نمایانگر تاثیر ژئوپولیتیکی مائوسام بر منافع ملی ایران از طریق آماده کردن بستر راهبردی برای پذیرش ایران به عنوان چهارراه دالان های نوپدید بینالمللی خواهد بود.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142104_1c970a1166101b5731cb91d8f2b71f88.pdf
2021-08-23
65
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"مائوسام"
"راه ابریشم نوین"
"زنجیره مروارید"
"ژئوپولیتیک راه"
"دیپلماسی راه"
آرش
رئیسی نژاد
arash.reisinezhad@ut.ac.ir
1
گروه روابط بین الملل٬ دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی٬ دانشگاه تهران
LEAD_AUTHOR
Baker McKenzie, Belt & Road: Opportunity & Risk The prospects and perils of building China’s New Silk Road, Silk Road Associates, 2018.
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Kotani, Tetsuo. "'Why China Wants South China Sea.", The Diplomat, 18 July 2011.
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Times, EurAsian (31 March 2018). "China's "String of Pearls" Resulted in India's 1st Loss at the Indian Ocean". EurAsian Times: Latest Asian, Middle-East, EurAsian, Indian News.
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Kostecka, Daniel. "Hambantota, Chittagong, and the Maldives – Unlikely Pearls for the Chinese Navy", China Brief, 19 November 2010.
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Vines, Alex. 2012. "Piracy, not China, is the real issue in the Indian Ocean: Mesmerised by Chinese string of pearls theory", The World Today, 33–34.
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Devonshire-Ellis, Chris and Sondre Ulvund Solstad. "China–The Great Infrastructure Developer", China Briefing, 27 March 2013.
39
Perlez, Jane. "South Sudan to Get Aid From China; No Oil Deal", The New York Times, Beijing, 25 April 2012.
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"Here Is All You Should Know About 'String Of Pearls', China's Policy To Encircle India". Indiatimes.com. 22 June 2017.
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Lintner, Bertil (15 April 2019). The Costliest Pearl: China's Struggle for India's Ocean. Oxford University Press.
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Times, EurAsian (31 March 2018). "China's "String of Pearls" Resulted in India's 1st Loss at the Indian Ocean". EurAsian Times: Latest Asian, Middle-East, EurAsian, Indian News.
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Shrivastava, Sanskar (1 June 2013). "Indian String of Pearls "Unstringing" Chinese String of Pearls Theory". The World Reporter.
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Peerzada, Ashiq. "China has established its presence across PoK". The Hindu.
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CHENGAPPA, BIDANDA (15 November 2011). "Why China is setting up military bases in PoK". Daily News and Analysis.
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"India raises objections over China-Pakistan Economic Corridor". The Tribune (Pakistan). 12 May 2015.
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Chatterji, SK (22 October 2020). "Wider connotations of Chinese 'salami slicing'". Asia Times.
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"Beijing steps up Maritime Silk Road project". www.wantchinatimes.com. Xinhua. 18 April 2014.
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Kumaraswami, Sridhar, "India, US Defence cooperation 'set to escalate.'" The Asian Age, 9 September 2007.
50
Joseph, Josy. "Delhi entangled in the Dragon's String of Pearls", DNA, New Delhi, 11 May 2009.
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Abhijit Singh, “India: Maritime Strategy and ‘Brand-Building,’” Diplomat, 24 December 2015.
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Varadarajan, Siddharth, "US seeks India’s help to create 'century of America in Asia'", The Hindu, 5 July 2007.
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"Beijing steps up Maritime Silk Road project". www.wantchinatimes.com. Xinhua. 18 April 2014.
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https://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-india-to-operationalise-chabahar-of-east-sittwe-port-next-year-2846794.
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https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/india-all-set-to-take-over-ops-in-myanmars-sittwe-port-after-chabahar/articleshow/67437859.cms?from=mdr
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Chhibber, Ajay. (2017). "China’s belt and road initiative and India’s options: Competitive Cooperation. "Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development”, vol. 1(2): pp 1- 12.
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Directorate of Strategy, Concepts and Transformation, Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy, Naval Strategic Publication (NSP) 1.2, (New Delhi: Integrated Headquarters, Ministry of Defense (Navy), 2015).
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White House article on U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2015/01/25/us-india-joint-strategic-vision-asia- pacific-and-indian-ocean-region.
60
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
رسانه و عمق بخشی به انقلاب اسلامی ایران
انقلاباسلامی ایران برای آنکه بتواند در میان مسلمانان و ملتهای سایر کشورها ریشه بدواند، ناگزیر به برقراری ارتباط روزافزون با مراکز و نهادهای مهم کشورهای هدف است. پدیدهای که تحت عنوان عمقبخشی انقلاباسلامی از آن یاد میشود. بر این اساس، یکی از ابزارهای مهمی که امروزه با توجه به ماهیت و کارکردهای آن میتواند کارآمد باشد، به موضوع رسانه برمیگردد. رسانهها با توجه به پیشرفتهایی که در زمینه فناوریهای ارتباطی شکل گرفته است امروزه، مرزهای جغرافیایی را در مینوردند و ارتباطات را به شیوۀ فراملی و جهانی گسترش میدهند. بنابراین تبیین نقش رسانه در مقولۀ صدور انقلاب هدف این پژوهش میباشد. متناسب با این هدف این پرسش مطرح میشود که ارتباط بین رسانهها و عمق بخشی به انقلاب اسلامی ایران چیست؟ در پاسخ به پرسش تحقیق این فرضیه مطرح میشود که رسانهها و بهویژه رسانههای نوین اجتماعی، با توجه به قابلیتهایی که از نظر حجم اطلاعات، گستره و سرعت پخش و انتشار آن در اختیار دارند میتوانند در پیشبرد عمق بخشی انقلاب اسلامی به صورت القاء، اقناع افکار عمومی ملتها، تصویرسازی، ایجاد پیوندهای ارتباطی، ایجاد جذابیت و غیره در ده سال آینده ایفای نقش کنند. این تحقیق با روش علّی و گردآوری دادهها با رجوع به منابع کتابخانهای، کتب، مجلات معتبر علمی به بررسی ارتباط مابین متغیرهای تحقیق پرداخته است.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142106_e78c668062631eae51a730b6f582ff9a.pdf
2021-08-23
95
120
عمق بخشی
انقلاب اسلامی ایران
رسانه
اقناع
مهدی
فیروزکوهی
firuzkuhi@chmail.ir
1
دانشگاه امام حسین(ع)
LEAD_AUTHOR
فرشید
فرهادی
farshid.farhadi18@yahoo.com
2
دانشگاه جامع امام حسین (ع)
AUTHOR
باوندپوری
مهدی
3
دانشگاه جامع امام حسین(ع)
AUTHOR
- Eftekhari, Asghar & Firoozkoohi, Mahdi (1397), Scientific authorization to the Model of the Deepening of the External Section of the Islamic Revolution, Afagh-e-security quarterly, year11, NO.39.[in persian]
1
- Bagheri, Hossein & the other (1394), Assessing the effect of the role of cultural capacities and capabilities of British Muslims in the depth of the foreign sector of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Journal of Cultural Protection of the Islamic Revolution, period 5, NO.12. [in persian]
2
- Bakhshandeh, Baran (1396), The Impact of Media on National Identity and Cultural Identity, Quarterly of Society, Culture and Media, The sixth year, NO.25. [in persian]
3
- Bozorgzadeh, Mehdi & the other (1396), Theoretical Challenges of Deepening Diplomacy in order to Development of the Islamic Revolution in the Current environment , Defense Policy Quarterly, No.101. [in persian]
4
-Jonghani Motalebi, Mohsen & the other. (1396), Capacity Measurement of the Yemen Ansarullah Movement in the Depth of Regional Section of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Quarterly of Defense Policy, No.101. P.103_132. [in persian]
5
- Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal (1394), Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran: Samat. [in persian]
6
- Droudy, Fariborz (1387). "The impact of media on power structure". Magazine: Moah koliat book, khordad 87, No. 126 ( page 24 to 37). [in persian]
7
- Razeghi, Afshin (1384). "Globalization of mass media". Quarterly: Public Relations. Azar and Dey 84, No. 38 & 39. ( page16 to 22). [in persian]
8
- Ranjbar Heydari, Alireza & the other. The Role of Al Jazeera News Network in Qatar Media Diplomacy (1394), World Politics Quarterly, Period4, NO 1. [in persian]
9
- Safavi, Seyed Yahya (1388), Deepening pamphlet (unpublished), PhD course in International Studies, University of Imam Hussein. [in persian]
10
- Fouladi, Mohammad (1391). "What is media with emphasis on religious media". Quarterly: Philosophical Knowledge. Summer 91, ninth year. NO 36. (page195 to 228). [in persian]
11
-Gholizadeh, Seyed Ebrahim & Kafash Jamshid, Mohammad Reza (1393), Opportunities and Challenges of Deepening the Islamic Republic In the Republic of Azerbaijan, Quarterly of Defense Policy, Year 22, NO.86. [in persian]
12
- Ghasemi, Behzad & Mobini, Mohammad (1397), Identifying the leadership characteristics of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its impact on the depth of the Islamic Revolution, Defense Policy Quarterly, No.103. [in persian]
13
- Gholizadeh, Seyed Ebrahim (1391), Depth of Defense and Geography, The pamphlet of PHD in Military Geography, The College & Research of the Prophet of Imam Hossein University of Tehran. [in persian]
14
- Moein, Mohammad (1350); Farhang moein, Tehran: Amirkabir Publications. [in persian]
15
- Mah Pishanian, Mahsa (1389), US Media Weapons in the Soft War with the Islamic Republic of Iran, Quarterly of Psychological Operations Studies, No. 27. [in persian]
16
- Nay, Joseph (1387), Soft Power, translated by Seyed Mohsen Rouhani & Mehdi Zolfaghari, Tehran: Imam Sadegh University publication & Basij Studies and Research. [in persian]
17
- Haghighi, Ali Mohammad & the other (1400), Identifying the Iranian Revolution on the Axis of Islamic Resistance (Case Study: Hezbollah Lebanon), Sepehr Siyasat Quarterly, Year 8, NO. 27. [in persian]
18
- Hassan Khani, Mohammad & Saeedi, Ruholamin (1393), The Media and Its role in Strengthening the Internal Construction of the Islamic Revolution: [in persian]
19
- Singh, Gaurav and Nity (2017). Role and impact of media on society: A soclological approach with respect to demonetization, IMPACT: International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Literature, Vol. 5, Issue 10, Oct 2017, 127-136. [in persian]
20
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
تحلیل بحران روابط قطر و عربستان سعودی در چارچوب قدرت نرم قطر
با قطع روابط عربستان و چند کشور منطقه با قطر در سال 2017، منطقه خلیج فارس وارد یک بحران پیچیده سیاسی شد. تحلیلگران، دلایل متعددی را برای بروز این بحران بیان میکنند؛ در این میان به نظر میرسد این اقدامات بیش از هر چیز نتیجه موفقیتهای دوحه در سیاست خارجی خود و مطرحشدن این کشور بهعنوان بازیگر مهم منطقهای در کنار بازیگران سنتی خاورمیانه باشد. در پاسخ به این سوال که بهره-گیری قطر از قدرت نرم در سیاست خارجی، چه تأثیری بر شکلگیری بحران خلیج فارس داشته، این مقاله دریافته است که دولت قطر از 2011 به بعد توانسته با بهرهگیری از قدرت نرم بهعنوان ابزاری تأثیرگذار، سیاستی مستقل از قدرتهای سنتی منطقه اتخاذ کند؛ موضوعی که سبب نارضایتی عربستان، بهعنوان یکی از این قدرتها شد. این پژوهش در تلاش است تا با بهرهگیری از روش توصیفی- تحلیلی با نگاهی به اختلافات قطر و عربستان و بررسی دقیق نقش قدرت نرم دوحه، به تحلیل ریشهای عوامل شکلگیری و تشدید بحران در روابط قطر و عربستان سعودی بپردازد. یافتهها و نتایج پژوهش نشان میدهد که موفقیت قطر در بهکارگیری قدرت نرم خود، یکی از مهمترین عوامل اختلافبرانگیز دوحه-ریاض بوده است.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142110_9ab970d71f2d9fdc6aaf7b6fe3e32264.pdf
2021-08-23
121
148
قدرت نرم
قطر
عربستان سعودی
بحران دیپلماتیک
خلیجفارس
محمد رضا
محمدی
mohammadrezamohammadi13681989@gmail.com
1
پژوهشگر مقیم در مرکز آیندهپژوهی جهان اسلام
LEAD_AUTHOR
رضا
نصیری حامد
r.nasirihamed@tabrizu.ac.ir
2
موسسه تاریخ و فرهنگ ایران،دانشگاه تبریز
AUTHOR
سعید
ربیعی
3
دانشجوی دکتری مطالعات منطقه ای دانشگاه جامع امام حسین
AUTHOR
Abdulrazaq, Tallha, Qatar’s Iran policy is pragmatic, not idealistic, https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/qatar-s-iran-policy-is-pragmatic-not-idealistic-38841. 2. Abraham,George (2008). Qatar is a Diplomatic Heavy-Hitter, www.aljazeera.com/focus/2008/07/ 2008721647355567644. 3. Abu-Sharkh, Ahmed (2020). Potential impact of COVID-19 on the Qatar economy, May 2020, PP.22. 4. Al Omran, Ahmed (2017). Gulf media unleashes war of words with Qatar, https://www.ft.com/content/36f8ceca-76d2-11e7-90c0-90a9d1bc9691. 5. Al-Zayani, Muhammad (2005). The Al-Jazeera Phenomenon: Basic Perspectives in the New Arab Media, The Model Publishers, Cairo: ISBN 1-5945-1126-8. [In Arabic] 6. Anzawa, Munehiro (2011). Al Jazeera as a Political Tool Within the Contradictions of Qatar,The American University in Cairo, School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Middle East Studies. 7. Asadi, Ali Akbar (2011). The Role of Qatar in the Popular Uprisings of the Arab World: Capacities and Constraints, Policy-Making Quarterly, Vol. 2, No. 4. [In Persian] 8. Batora, J. (2005). Public Diplomacy in Small and Medium Size States: Norway and Canada, Cllingdeale Discussion Papers in Diplomacy, Vol. 97. 9. Blanchard, M. Christopher (2010).Qatar:Bachground and U.S Relations, CRS Report for Congress, 5 may.
1
Borger, Mohammad (2020). US and Taliban sign deal to withdraw American troops from Afghanistan, . 11. Cooper, Andrew; Bessma, Momani (2011). Qatar and Expanded Contours of small stateDiplomacy,The International spevtor, Vol. 46, No.3. 12. De Jone, Maaike (2011). The Place branding of Qatar, Research in Hospitality Management,Vol. l. 13. Dehghani Firoozabadi, Seyed Jalal (2008). A Conceptual Framework for Evaluating the Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, Shadan Publications. [In Persian]
2
Dickinson, Elizabeth (2014). The Case Against Qatar, http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/09/30/the-case-against-qatar. 15. Ekhtiari Amiri, Reza (2011). Roots of Tensions in Saudi-Qatar Relations and the Perspective of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, Tehran, Research Center of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. [In Persian] 16. El-Nawawy, Mohammad; Iskander, Adel (2003). Al Jazeera: the Story of the Network that is Rattling Government and Redefining Modern Journalism, Boulder, Westview. 17. Elshenawy, Ahmed Adel (2017). Globalization’s Effect on Qatari Culture, IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1. 18. Emami, Mahmoud (2010). Influential foreign factors in the Persian Gulf, Tehran, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Publications. [In Persian]
3
Fandy, Mamoun, (2007). Civil war of words: media and politics in the Arab world, Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. 20. Ghanbarloo, Abdullah (2011). Patterns of Soft Power in the Middle East, Quarterly Journal of Soft Power Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1. [In Persian] 21. Ghareeb, Edmund (2000). New Media and the Information Revolution in the Arab World: An Assessment, Middle East Journal, Vol. 54, No. 3. 22. Hassan Abdo, Hassan (2017). Al-Jazeera: a news channel that has turned into a political player, http://www.emaratalyoum.com/politics/news/2017-08-24-1.1021837. [In Arabic] 23. Hazime, Hanan (2011). from city branding to e-branda in developing countries:An approach to Qatar and Abu Dhabi, African Journal of Business Management, Vol.5, No. 12. 24. Hounshell, Blake (2012). The Qatar buble, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/artocles/2012/04/23/the_qatar_bubble?=0>(29. 25. Jafari Valadani, Asghar (). Iran and the Persian Gulf :Past and Future Perspectives, Middle East Studies Quarterly,Vol. 3, No. 1. [In Persian]
4
27. Kechichian, Joseph A. (2014). The making of a GCC Crisis, http://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/Saudi-arabia/the-making-of-a-gcc-crisis-1.1299809. 28. Kessous, Mustapha (2011). Sports as Diplomacy: How small Gulf Countries Use Big Sports to Gain Global Influence, htpp://nijhoffonline.nl/book?id=nij9789004179400_nij9789004179400_i-309. 29. Khani, Tahereh (2007). Policy Making in Al-Jazeera Network, Radio Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 37. [In Persian] 30. khatib, Lina (2013). Qatar’s foreign policy: The Limits of Pragmatism, International Affairs, No. 89. 31. Leahy, Tom (2020). In Europe, These Are 10 Deals That Did Close in March, https://www.rcanalytics.com/europe-10-deals-march/. 32. Melissen, Jan (2005). The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, New York, palgrave macmillan. 33. Mir Razavi, Firoozeh (2004). Guide to the region and the countries of the Persian Gulf, Tehran, Abrar Contemporary Publications. [In Persian] 34. Mohammadi, Manouchehr (2008). Sources of Soft Power, Social Capital of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 15th Khordad Magazine, Vol 3, Year 5, Vol 16. [In Persian] 35. Mottaqi, Ibrahim (2012). Proxy Role: A Study of Qatar-US Security Cooperation, Hamshahri and Diplomatic Political-Analytical Monthly, Nos. 64, 59 and 69. [In Persian] 36. Naderi, Qutbuddin (2003). Transfer of US Air Base from Saudi Arabia to Qatar, Opinions and Analyzes, Journal of Political and International Studies, Vol. 17, No. 169. [In Persian] 37. Nay, Joseph (2010). The soft power of success tools in international politics, translated by Seyed Mohsen Rouhani and Mehdi, Imam Sadegh University Press. [In Persian]
5
Nuruzzaman, Mohammed (2017). Saudi rift with Qatar exposes growing division in the anti-Iran alliance, http://theconversation.com/saudi-rift-with-qatar-exposes-growing-division-in-the-anti-iran-alliance-78894. 39. Nye, Joseph (2003). Soft Power, translated by Mohammad Hossein Moghadam, Strategy Quarterly, No. 29. [In Persian] 40. Oftrit, Kruber (2001). Al Jazeera: CNN Arab World, translated by Q. Long, Political Translator, No. 44. [In Persian] 41. Piper, Nicola; Uhlin, Anders (2004). Problems of Power and Democracy, Routledge, 42. Qalam Information Exchange website, 12/24/2015, www.qalm.gov.qa. [In Arabic] 43. Qatar General Secretariat for Development Planning Qatar National Development Strategy:2011~2016, Doha: Gulf Publishing and Printing Company. 44. Rajab, Hussam (2015). Qatar tops the list of the richest countries in the world for the year 2015, Global Finance Monthly Magazine. [In Arabic] 45. Roberts, David (2009). Qatar’s search for security, Proceedings of the Plymouth Postgraduate Symposium, 245-246. 46. Rockower, Paul (2012). Recipes for Gastro diplomacy, Place Branding and Public Diplomacy. OAC Print. 47. Safavi, Seyed Hamzeh (2015). Collection of Islamic Countries, Qatar, Tehran, The Institute for Islamic World Futures Studies. [In Persian] 48. Sharp, Jeremy M. (2003). The Al Jazeera News Network: Opportunity or Challenge for U.S.Foreign Policy in the Middle East?,CRS Report for Congress,23 July,p.7.
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Statista (2019). Natural gas production - Qatar 1998-2019, https://www.statista.com/statistics/265336/natural-gas-production-in-qatar/. 50. Ulrichsen, Coates Kristian (2012). Small states with a big role: Qatar and the United Arab Emirates in the wake of the Arab spring, HH Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al- Sabah Publication series, Durham University, No.3.
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US-Qatar Business Council (2019). Energy and Resources in Qatar, https://www.usqbc.org/energy-and-resources-in-qatar. 52. Waezi, Mahmoud (2010). The Role of the Great Powers in the Persian Gulf Region and the Challenges of American Hegemony, International Quarterly Journal of Foreign Relations, Vol. 2, No. 6. [In Persian]
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World Meters (2020). Qatar Natural Gas, https://www.worldometers.info/gas/qatar-natural-gas/. 55. Yazdfam, Mahmoud (2011). Developments in the Arab World: Formulating Power and Identity in the Middle East, Strategic Studies, Vol. 14, No 2. [In Persian] 56. Zayani, Mohamed (2010). The Al Jazeera Phenomenon Critical Perspectives on New Arab Media, London, N6 5AA, UK.
10
ORIGINAL_ARTICLE
هویت و بیطرفی در سیاست خارجی عمان در خاورمیانه
سیاست خارجی عمان در مواجهه با موضوعات مختلف منطقهای در خاورمیانه از الگوی رفتاری دیگر کشورهای عربی حاشیه خلیجفارس متمایز است. رویکرد این کشور در قبال ایران، برخورد متمایز تاریخی با مسئله اعراب و اسرائیل و بحران دیپلماتیک قطر جملگی مواردی هستند که عمان در برخورد با آنها نوعی استقلال رفتاری از خود نشان داده و سیاست خارجی متمایزی را پیگیری کرده است. یکی از مهمترین مؤلفههایی که سبب تکوین این الگوی رفتاری گردیده، بستر اجتماعی منحصربهفرد عمان و هویتی است که در این بستر اجتماعی قوام یافته و بهعنوان یک ارزش سبب انتخاب الگوی رفتاری خاصی گردیده است. بر این اساس، این پژوهش در راستای پاسخ به پرسش چگونگی تأثیرگذاری هویت بر سیاست خارجی عمان، این فرضیه را بررسی میکند که هویت عمان با پذیرش تکثرگرایی بر سیاست خارجی این کشور تأثیر گذاشته و منجر به اتخاذ رویکرد بیطرفی و میانجیگری شده است. پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از نظریه سازهانگاری، به این نتیجه رسیده است که تکثرگرایی ناشی از تساهل دینی/زبانی/قومیتی بهعنوان متغیر مداخلهگر از جزمگرایی عمان در عرصه سیاست خارجی ممانعت به عمل آورده و موجب رویکرد بیطرفی در برخورد با مسائل مختلف منطقه گردیده است.
https://journal.iiwfs.com/article_142111_14f196039912c989f0893b788e87175f.pdf
2021-08-23
149
176
هویت
سیاست خارجی
بیطرفی
عمان
خاورمیانه
محمد
نصیرزاده
m.nasirzadeh2019@gmail.com
1
دانشگاه خوارزمی
LEAD_AUTHOR
فریده
محمدعلیپور
fm.alipour@khu.ac.ir
2
دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه خوارزمی تهران، ایران
AUTHOR
Adeli, M. (2017). Investigating the status of Ibadi flow in the contemporary period, Regional research, pp 83- 116. [In Persian]
1
Al-Basoos, H. & Maashani M. (2020). Oman’s diplomacy strategy: Maneuvering tools to face regional challenges, Research in Business & Social Science, Vol 9, No 2, pp 152-163.
2
Al-Basoos, H, Mohammed Ali, Z & Alhasni, A. (2020). The Nature of Oman’s Relations with Iran, Sultan Qaboos University, Journal of Arts & Social Sciences, pp. 5-14.
3
Al-Ghbrai, Ismail Bin Saleh. (2011). Omani identity in the Carriage scales, Alfalaq magazine, Issue XII, at: www.alfalq.com/?p=2227, Accesses on: 22 February 2021
4
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