The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract The post-2003 transformation of Iraq has positioned the country as one of the principal arenas of regional power competition, where Iran and Turkey, through distinct strategic approaches, have sought to redefine their respective roles within Iraq’s and the broader region’s security architecture. In this context, Turkey’s Neo-Ottomanism and Iran’s Axis of Resistance represent two competing paradigms of regional power projection and order-building, each generating significant implications for Iraq’s sovereignty, stability, and security. This study seeks to explain the security consequences of the rivalry between these two strategic frameworks for Iraq’s security environment. The central research question asks: How has the competition between Neo-Ottomanism and the Axis of Resistance shaped Iraq’s security environment? The study hypothesizes that Iran and Turkey have each oscillated between strategies of securitization and desecuritization depending on the sector and contextual setting. Regardless of which actor assumed the dominant securitizing role at a given juncture, their strategic competition has collectively reproduced multilayered and unstable security dynamics within Iraq. Employing a qualitative research design and a descriptive-analytical method, the study draws upon documentary and library-based sources. The data are analyzed through thematic analysis within the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School’s Securitization Theory. The findings demonstrate that Iran–Turkey rivalry across the political, military, economic, societal, and environmental sectors has transformed Iraq’s security environment into a multilayered and contested space. By intensifying threat perceptions, expanding regional interventions, and constraining Iraq’s capacity for autonomous governance, this rivalry has further exacerbated the country’s structural security fragility.

Abstract The US-Israeli strategic alliance is one of the most prominent security alliances in the Middle East and has had a wide-ranging impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This alliance creates a multilayered threat system against Iran using military, intelligence, economic, and diplomatic tools. This research, with an analytical approach and case study, based on the theory of "balance of threat", aims to analyze the dimensions of the impact of this alliance on Iran's national security. Because countries are constantly trying to identify sources of threats and opportunities to ensure their survival and continuity in the international system. In this framework, the Islamic Republic of Iran, given its geopolitical position and regional capabilities, has a central position in the regional security equations of the Middle East. And the nature of the structural differences that link it to the United States and Israel. The US-Israeli strategic alliance, especially in the post-Cold War era, has become a major variable affecting the security environment surrounding Iran. The US-Israeli alliance, one of the most prominent strategic alliances in the region, is a key factor in creating strategic balances in the Middle East that have affected the Islamic Republic of Iran and presented it with political, security, military, economic, and social challenges. This study concludes that the US-Israeli alliance not only activates hard threats, but also includes soft and hybrid threats that have forced Iran to adopt asymmetric deterrence strategies to maintain the threat balance in its regional environment

Abstract
Science diplomacy has emerged in recent years as one of the important instruments in international relations, and many countries have sought to use their scientific and academic capacities to strengthen their international standing, expand international cooperation, and achieve development goals. In this context, science and technology are no longer limited to educational and research domains; rather, they have become an important component of countries’ soft power and a significant tool of foreign policy. Countries that are able to expand their interactions through scientific networks, academic collaborations, knowledge exchange, and participation in international research projects are more likely to enhance their position in the international system. Nevertheless, the realization and effective use of science diplomacy in some countries face numerous challenges and limitations that hinder the optimal use of this capacity. Within this framework, the main problem of this study is to examine the status of science diplomacy in Iraq and to identify the most significant limitations and obstacles that hinder its realization. Due to its geopolitical position, historical and cultural background, and its considerable need for scientific development and the reconstruction of educational infrastructures, Iraq possesses significant potential for benefiting from science diplomacy. However, the political, economic, and institutional conditions of the country have made the utilization of these capacities considerably difficult. Therefore, the central question of this research is: why has the realization and effective use of science diplomacy in Iraq been confronted with fundamental challenges and limitations?
Method: This study adopts a qualitative approach and is conducted through the analysis of secondary data. The required data were collected from various reliable sources, including reports of international organizations such as UNESCO and the World Bank, scientific articles published in reputable journals, and official documents related to Iraq’s scientific and educational policies. After the data were collected, qualitative content analysis was employed to examine and analyze the information. In this process, the data were coded and the main themes and patterns related to the status of science diplomacy in Iraq were extracted. The use of credible sources and systematic analysis made it possible to provide a relatively comprehensive picture of the current situation and the main challenges in this field.
Theory: This study examines the transformation of emerging forms of international diplomacy that are developing in response to complex contemporary global challenges—ranging from infectious diseases and environmental degradation to cybercrime and the impacts of new technologies—where science and technology play a central role. The growing dependence of international decision‑making on specialized knowledge has highlighted the need for systematic use of scientific advice. However, within the structure of the United Nations there has not been a coherent and centralized mechanism for receiving scientific recommendations, which has led to proposals for creating platforms capable of building global consensus on scientific issues. At the same time, the expansion of the internet, big data, and communication technologies has transformed the environment in which diplomacy operates by reducing costs and increasing the capacity and speed of information exchange. These developments have gradually shifted diplomacy from a purely state‑centered model toward a more networked and people‑oriented form, in which non‑state actors, companies, online platforms, and global public opinion play an increasingly important role. The study then relies on the theoretical framework of public diplomacy and the concept of soft power to explain the technologies and mechanisms of modern diplomacy. Public diplomacy, as an instrument of soft power, is based on mobilizing and guiding foreign public opinion in line with national interests, and its main mechanism is attraction and persuasion. According to Joseph Nye, attractive culture, political values, and legitimate policies constitute the most important sources of this power. Within this framework, the technologies of public diplomacy function as tools for shaping and managing public attitudes and preferences, enabling states to pursue their national interests through the support of foreign publics. In this sense, public diplomacy in the digital age not only continues the traditions of foreign policy but also represents a more complex and effective form of international influence through the use of modern communication technologies.
Findings: The findings indicate that the development and realization of science diplomacy in Iraq face a number of structural and institutional obstacles. One of the most significant barriers is the weakness of scientific and research infrastructures. Over the past decades, Iraq’s scientific system has been heavily affected by wars, political crises, and economic difficulties. As a result, many universities and research centers lack adequate facilities, equipment, and scientific capacity. This infrastructural weakness has reduced the ability of Iraqi scientific institutions to actively participate in international scientific collaborations and has created a major barrier to the development of science diplomacy. Another important factor is political instability and fluctuating security conditions in Iraq. Political stability is considered one of the essential prerequisites for scientific development and the expansion of international cooperation. In a context where the political system is affected by instability, internal tensions, or security crises, long‑term planning in the fields of science and technology becomes difficult, and many scientific collaborations may face disruption. Political instability can also negatively influence decision‑making processes related to scientific policy and hinder the implementation of development programs in this sector. Financial constraints and limited funding also represent another major obstacle to the development of science diplomacy in Iraq. Scientific and technological development, as well as the expansion of international scientific cooperation, require significant investment in higher education, research activities, laboratory infrastructure, and academic exchange programs. When sufficient financial resources are not allocated to these sectors, the capacity for strengthening scientific institutions and participating effectively in international scientific networks is reduced. Consequently, financial limitations can directly affect the level of international scientific engagement and the country’s ability to benefit from science diplomacy. Moreover, the absence of coherent policy‑making and a clear strategic framework in the field of science diplomacy is another major challenge. The development of science diplomacy requires long‑term planning, coordination among various scientific and governmental institutions, and the definition of clear objectives within the framework of scientific foreign policy. Without such an approach, scientific and international activities may occur in a fragmented and uncoordinated manner and may fail to produce sustainable and effective outcomes. Therefore, the lack of a coherent policy framework can prevent the formation of an efficient system for utilizing scientific capacities in international relations.
In conclusion, the development of science diplomacy in Iraq requires serious attention to institutional reforms and the strengthening of the country’s scientific capacities. In this context, improving research infrastructures, increasing financial support for universities and research institutions, establishing political and security stability, and formulating coherent policies in the fields of science and technology are among the key measures that can facilitate the expansion of international scientific cooperation. In this regard, strengthening science diplomacy also requires Iraq to increase research funding and invest more in strategic sectors. In addition, creating appropriate incentives and supportive policies to attract and encourage the return of scientific elites living abroad is essential. Expanding scientific and research cooperation at the regional level is also an important step toward enhancing Iraq’s scientific engagement. The implementation of these measures can strengthen the country’s scientific capacities and provide a suitable foundation for the effective use of science diplomacy. If these conditions are achieved, science diplomacy can become an effective instrument for enhancing Iraq’s scientific and international standing and for accelerating the country’s development process.

Abstract  
ISIS is the short name of the terrorist group of extremist Islamists in Iraq and the Levant. During the growth of ISIS, Syria has been a suitable platform for the growth and declaration of caliphate of this group due to its internal developments. With the start of the internal crisis in Syria, the role of some regional actors for the growth of ISIS and the deepening of this crisis is justified. The regional actors involved in the developments in Syria, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, used different policies against ISIS in Syria. These countries used different policies and tools to support ISIS. Contrary to Saudi Arabia's claim of rejecting terrorism and its types, we always see the use of this issue in the policies of this country in the region and its developments. Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, as a small country, is very interested in expanding its influence on regional developments by using the tools of terrorism and Islamic extremism.
One of the most important issues in the past few decades is the issue of the threat of terrorism, which is increasing in importance in political literature and international relations every day. Meanwhile, the Middle East region is very important. This region, due to the birthplace of Islam and its countries being Islamic, and most importantly, the extreme and deviant views of some Islamic groups on the Islamic religion, has caused us to witness extreme thoughts and ideologies and the emergence of various Islamic terrorist groups. After the terrorist incident of September 11, 2001 by the Al-Qaeda terrorist group, the Middle East region has faced many security challenges, the effects of which have long remained in the minds of the governments and especially the people of this region. Among the other terrorist groups formed in this region is the ISIS group, which research and investigation in the process of fundamental formation and existential philosophy of this terrorist movement is the ideology of Salafi jihadism   Most of the activity of this group has been concentrated in Syria and parts of Iraq.
Syria is an important country that is always of special importance in the world of politics. So that it is considered as the Achilles heel of the Middle East region.  With the beginning of political unrest in Syria due to the protests of March 2011, which was caused by the political developments in the Arab countries, ISIS declared its existence as the most powerful terrorist group in the history of the Middle East. Kurdistan and by declaring and claiming the establishment of an Islamic government in Syria and cities from Iraq and by implementing measures, or better to say some crimes against humanity, it has placed its name at the top of the media and international news. During the rapid growth of ISIS and the deepening of the crisis in Syria, in addition to internal destabilizing factors, some external sources of support have made ISIS strong in this country. Also, the developments in Syria have provided a suitable platform for the exploitation of regional actors, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, which have used different policies and strategies in the form of support packages for the ISIS group in Syria, with Wahhabi Salafism becoming an official and political religion. Saudi Arabia (Alrebh, 2017: 28-279). This country has been at the forefront of supporting Salafi-Wahhabi groups, and all Sunni jihadist groups, ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Al-Nusra Front, are ideological children of Wahhabism that Saudi Arabia has injected into various countries . Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, unlike many Small countries have a great desire to expand their influence on developments abroad and always openly support moderate Islamic groups and sometimes with Islamic extremist thoughts. This country has had relations with groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Taliban .
With the spread of unrest in Syria and the beginning of the political crisis, at first the role of internal factors seemed prominent, but a deeper look at this crisis shows that in addition to internal forces, external factors and sources of influence have intensified and deepened the Syrian crisis. So that after gaining power and declaring the self-proclaimed caliphate of the terrorist group Daesh in Syria, this country became the arena of conquest and exploitation of the policies of foreign actors. The main factor in the expansion of internal developments in Syria and turning it into a regional and international crisis is the strong presence of foreign actors and their alignment in this crisis. Each of the foreign actors involved in the crisis are looking for their own policies and interests. Accordingly, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are among the most important actors involved in the developments in Syria. Considering their political structure and identity, these two countries are looking for special political goals and interests in Syria, and at the beginning of the crisis, they confronted the government of this country and put the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government on the agenda of their foreign policy. At the beginning of the Syrian crisis and its developments, these countries provided extensive support to ISIS in various diplomatic, media, financial and logistical fields. The entry of these two actors in the Syrian crisis caused the prolongation of the civil war and played a destructive role and spread the war. The fact that Saudi Arabia and Qatar are on the same front shows that Riyadh and Doha agree against Bashar al-Assad. But this shared opinion does not mean complete unity and sharing of these two countries and they have had differences in goals with each other.
The findings of the article show that the two countries of Qatar and Saudi Arabia differed on how to support ISIS and the difference in goals. So that Qatar's goal is to form an Ikhwani government in the Arab Middle East region, but Saudi Arabia's attitude in supporting the ISIS terrorist group is to confront Bashar al-Assad's government close to Iran and prevent Iran's regional hegemony and confrontation with Shiite intellectual foundations in the Middle East. Based on this, it can be said that the policy and performance of these two countries in the developments in Syria, despite many similarities, have slight differences and in some cases they are formal. Saudi Arabia and Qatar have played an undeniable role in strengthening and expanding ISIS in Syria. The main policy of these two countries in supporting ISIS has been to bring down and end the existing political system in Syria, weaken rival countries (Iran) in the Arab world and expand their influence in the region.