The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract The term narco-terrorism was first introduced in 1983 by Peruvian President Fernando Belaúnde Terry to describe violent actions undertaken by drug traffickers against state institutions. Over time, the concept has evolved to capture the complex and increasingly intertwined relationship between terrorism and illicit drug economies. In contemporary security studies, terrorism is no longer understood solely as a state-centric or ideologically rigid phenomenon. Instead, it has assumed non-state, transnational, and hybrid forms shaped by globalization, political instability, economic inequality, and weak governance. The convergence of terrorism and narcotics trafficking has transformed many extremist organizations into financially self-sustaining entities capable of conducting prolonged campaigns of violence. Afghanistan, due to decades of conflict, institutional fragility, and its major role in global narcotics production, has become one of the most prominent arenas for narcoterrorism. Within this context, ISIS-K has emerged as a critical destabilizing actor, challenging the Taliban’s authority and complicating efforts toward state-building and governance consolidation. Narco-terrorism is composed of two interdependent features: organized political violence and systematic engagement in the production, trafficking, or taxation of narcotics. Terrorist groups involved in narco-terrorism utilize drug revenues to finance recruitment, acquire weapons, sustain territorial presence, and exert coercive control over populations. As a result, narco-terrorism directly undermines state sovereignty, rule of law, and institutional legitimacy.In Afghanistan, the narcotics economy has long flourished due to limited state capacity, widespread poverty, and persistent insecurity. Armed groups have repeatedly exploited this economy to secure financial resources. Although ISIS-K presents itself as ideologically distinct from other militant actors, it has demonstrated pragmatic engagement with narcotics-related activities, either through direct involvement or indirect cooperation with trafficking networks. This involvement has enabled ISIS-K to pose a challenge the Taliban not only through violence but also by weakening the important economic foundations for effective governance. Existing literature identifies narco-terrorism as a multidimensional threat with far-reaching consequences. Studies focusing on the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) illustrate how narcotics revenues sustain long-term insurgent campaigns and facilitate transnational criminal activities. Research on Central Asia highlights the role of narco-terrorist networks in undermining regional multilateralism and security cooperation, particularly in politically fragile environments. Comparative analyses of the Middle East and Latin America identify groups such as ISIS, the Taliban, and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) as prominent examples of narco-terrorist organizations. These studies emphasize that narco-terrorism generates security, political, economic, and social challenges that extend beyond national borders. However, scholarly attention to ISIS-K’s specific role in obstructing the Taliban’s state-building process remains limited, underscoring the need for focused analysis. This study draws upon the Frustration–Aggression Theory to explain the mechanisms of recruitment and violence within extremist organizations. Originally formulated by John Dollard in the late 1930s, the theory posits that persistent frustration arising from unmet expectations or perceived injustice produces aggressive behavior. When institutional mechanisms fail to address grievances, individuals may turn to violence as an alternative means of expression and redress. In Afghanistan, prolonged conflict, economic deprivation, social marginalization, and political exclusion have created fertile ground for extremist recruitment. ISIS-K capitalizes on these conditions by offering financial incentives, ideological narratives, and a sense of purpose to disaffected individuals. This dynamic transforms individual frustration into organized violence and reinforces the group’s capacity to challenge state-building efforts. Narco-terrorism can be categorized into several forms. Genuine narco-terrorism involves direct participation by terrorist groups in drug trafficking to finance militant activities. Criminal narco-terrorism prioritizes profit, with drug syndicates employing terror tactics to intimidate governments and rivals. State-sponsored narco-terrorism emerges when governments support or tolerate terrorist groups engaged in narcotics trafficking to achieve strategic objectives.Additionally, fabricated narco-terrorism refers to the political manipulation of narco-terrorist narratives, while instrumental narcoterrorism conceptualizes drug trafficking as a tool to weaken governance and social order. ISIS-K’s activities in Afghanistan most closely resemble genuine and instrumental narco-terrorism, as the group exploits the narcotics economy to destabilize governance and undermine Taliban authority. The Taliban’s state-building project faces significant obstacles that are intensified by ISIS-K’s narco-terrorist activities. From a security perspective, persistent attacks undermine public safety, erode public confidence, and stretch the Taliban’s limited security capabilities. Economically, ISIS-K’s involvement in narcotics trafficking distorts local economies, fuels corruption, and deprives the Taliban of potential revenues needed for governance and service provision.Politically, ISIS-K challenges the Taliban’s legitimacy by presenting itself as a more ideologically uncompromising alternative. This strategy has enabled the group to attract dissatisfied Taliban members, particularly when financial incentives are offered. Socially, continued violence exacerbates ethnic and sectarian tensions, undermining social cohesion and complicating nation-building efforts. These dynamics collectively weaken the Taliban’s capacity to consolidate authority and establish effective governance Although Afghanistan’s instability has deep historical roots, its current intensification is closely linked to the U.S. military withdrawal and the resulting political plan. Within this context, the rivalry between ISIS-K and the Taliban represents a crucial security challenge with significant regional implications, extending to I.R of Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Despite the Taliban’s claims for combating ISIS-K, persistent governance deficits and limited institutional capacity hinder effective counterterrorism efforts. ISIS-K’s narco-terrorist activities continue to pose serious threats to the Taliban’s state-building process and to regional stability more broadly. Prolonged delays in governance consolidation are likely to exacerbate security, political, economic, social, and environmental risks, increasing the likelihood of broader regional instability. Addressing these challenges requires comprehensive strategies that extend beyond military responses to include economic development, political inclusion, and sustained regional cooperation.

Abstract The history of human life has always been one of strife, war and bloodshed from the very beginning. This has caused a lot of financial, psychological and human losses. Establishing peace and resolving conflicts has always been the concern of humanity. This has led many scientists to come up with a number of theories. Some heads of state, government and thinkers speak of peace, a peace in which war, bloodshed and looting are sometimes allowed. But the Prophetic tradition provides important and vital guidelines for resolving wars and conflicts in human societies, which can be followed by managing world societies in the light of peace. In the history of the rule of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), the principle has been based on peaceful relations. Of course, jihad cannot be ignored. Imam Jihad was the only tool at that time to protect Muslims from oppression, defend religion, public order, prevent aggression and injustice. Jihad is a kind of defensive war that has become obligatory on Muslims in certain circumstances. By observing and researching the history of the wars and conflicts of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), we see that all these conflicts have been defensive, such as the battle of Hadd and the battle of Badr. Of course, in Islam, precise rules have been set for war, which in its time was unparalleled in terms of human and humanitarian aspects. Such as prisoners' rights, treatment of the injured and killed, treatment of women, children and the elderly. The rules of war in Islam are based on forgiveness, mercy and compassion. There are various theories in this regard, whether the principle in Islam is war or peace? The Holy Prophet (PBUH) used the method of invitation to resolve political disputes at the beginning of Islam. Which was later achieved through negotiation. And these clashes either led to their conversion to Islam or led to agreements and the signing of contracts. Islam is inevitably in favor of war at times; That is, since the other party is not willing to coexist honorably and seeks to trample on human dignity through oppression and aggression - in such circumstances - surrender is not permissible. The political views of Islam in such cases are: peace if the other side is ready and agrees to peace, and war if the other side wants to fight. And we see both scenes in the history of the political life of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him). It is also narrated from Imam Ali (as) that he said: “The Prophet sent me to Yemen and said: O Ali! "Do not fight anyone unless you have invited him to Islam." Another method used by the Holy Prophet (pbuh) to resolve disputes was to use common ground. The Prophet (pbuh) used to motivate the opposition to negotiate and agree in principle. They used common ground for peaceful negotiations. The basis of Islam in foreign relations is based on peace. The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) also used peace-seeking as an important strategy in foreign and international relations. From the sixth year of AH, they also pursued a peace strategy, the most obvious of which was the peace of Hudaybiyyah. One of the methods of resolving the dispute is mentioned in the Holy Quran in verses 59 to 65 of Surah An-Nisa ', which clearly emphasizes the necessity of referring to the ruler of the divine law during the dispute. To refer to God means to refer to the book and the divine ambassadors means the messenger and the first things. Considering the history in Islam and the time of the rule of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), it can be said that Islam has established peace and peaceful relations between the Islamic State and other states as a necessary principle and war is only an exceptional case. Is counted. Considering the Prophetic tradition, it became clear that in Islamic law, there are at least some solutions such as: invitation, compromise, negotiation, jizyah, which have been given much attention in order to prevent strife and war between Muslims and non-Muslims.