The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract This research examines the influence of the foreign policy of the twelfth government of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Afghanistan, the special focus of the research will be on changing the approach of the twelfth government towards the Taliban and the role of Iran in the Afghan peace process. Also, Iran has tried to play a constructive role in the peace process of Afghanistan, which has also influenced the position of the Taliban. This research helps to better understand the dynamics of Iran's foreign policy in the region and the challenges facing it. The main question of the research is, what effect has the foreign policy of the 12th government of Iran had on the process of developments in Afghanistan, especially in relation to the Taliban? It seems that Iran's foreign policy in this period, while supporting the process of peace and stability in Afghanistan, has tried to maintain its national interests by adopting a pragmatic and realistic approach to the developments in this country and the re-emergence of the Taliban. The research method of this research is library, analytical and descriptive, which was done by using reliable domestic and foreign sources. To compile the research, the set of regional security theories and crisis management theories have been used in a consolidated manner. The research findings show that Iran's foreign policy in this period was formed based on the principles of constructive interaction, economic diplomacy and multilateralism.

Abstract The People's Republic of China is known as a country whose status in the international system has been continuously improved and has entered into competition with other powers of the international system. China's continuous economic growth has caused a change in the economic agenda of the government in creating an approach to development and consolidation of power in the structures of international political economy, especially in the sensitive region of West Asia. this research tries to address the basic question of what effect China's economic policies towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have had on the relations of the council members. The research hypothesis is designed with a qualitative method and an explanatory approach in such a way that the inter-regional relations between China and the members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have led to the formation of a network of relations between the members of the Council, which has strengthened the level of cooperation, competition and interdependence between the members. Therefore, in this research, an attempt is made to investigate the influence of the field of inter-regionalism on the indicators of cooperation and competition in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its location in the West Asia region and proximity to Central Asia and the Caucasus, requires an optimal regionalization strategy. Consequently, this research has been conducted with the aim of providing a scientific and analytical explanation of the dimensions and key components of the Islamic Republic of Iran's regionalization strategy within the context of the ongoing transition in the international system. The main research question is as follows: within the theoretical framework of Neorealism and under the specific conditions of the transition of the international system, how can Iran's regionalization strategy and its components be delineated? In response to this question, the hypothesis is formulated that the Islamic Republic of Iran's regionalization strategy can be operationalized across five dimensions—political, security, economic, and socio-cultural—with specific components in each dimension. Employing an explanatory-analytical approach and utilizing library resources, policy documents, and up-to-date regional evidence, this study has identified and evaluated these dimensions and components. The results indicate that the combination and synergy of these five dimensions, while enhancing Iran's resilience and balancing power, will provide new opportunities for elevating the country's status as a pivotal actor in the emerging regional order.

Abstract This research was conducted with the aim of identifying the key factors influencing the relations between Iran and the Zionist regime, designing potential future scenarios (2025–2035), assessing their likelihood and consequences, and proposing strategic responses. This descriptive-analytical study adopts a futurology approach using the scenario analysis method. The statistical population consisted of relevant scientific sources, and purposive sampling was employed. Secondary data were collected through a review of Persian and Latin sources (library and documentary). Findings indicate that key factors include ideology, the nuclear program, geopolitics, security, economy, cyber warfare, and the role of major powers. By integrating the moderating variable of “domestic political transformations in Iran, the U.S., and the Zionist regime,” four scenarios were designed: 1) Balance of Power World, 2) Diplomacy and Limited Tension World, 3) Hidden War World, and 4) Direct Confrontation World. Probability assessment reveals that the “Hidden War” scenario is highly probable, acting as a dynamic equilibrium resilient to political shocks. The “Diplomacy and Limited Tension” scenario is likely in the short term but unstable in the long term. The “Balance of Power” scenario has a low to medium probability, while the “Direct Confrontation” scenario has a low probability, though it remains a critical tail risk with catastrophic consequences. The conclusion suggests that the probability of widespread war is low, but indirect tensions will persist. Strategic responses are proposed for Iran

Abstract The present study aims to analyze the consequences of the Zionist regime’s 12-Day War against Iran on regional security, the balance of power in West Asia, and the responses of regional and international actors. The main research question is: "How can the Zionist regime’s 12-Day War against Iran be analyzed from the perspectives of network geopolitics and critical security, and what are its security and geopolitical consequences?" The research hypothesis posits that the short-term war by the Zionist regime against Iran, by disrupting the political, economic, and security networks of the region, intensifies long-term geopolitical consequences as well as human and regional security threats. The findings, utilizing a combination of network geopolitics (to analyze complex relations among regional and extra-regional actors) and critical security approaches (to examine human, social, and beyond-military consequences), along with qualitative analysis based on case studies, secondary sources, and content analysis of political and security data, demonstrate that the 12-Day War disrupted regional networks, weakened collective security and regional cooperation, and threatened the geopolitical stability of West Asia. This study emphasizes the importance of network-based analysis and a critical approach in understanding regional crises and provides strategies for strengthening collective security and preventive diplomacy.

Abstract This research paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the strategies and deterrent measures employed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) of Iran to preserve public order and security. The study is situated within the evolving paradigm of security studies, which has expanded from traditional state-centric military defense to encompass broader concepts of "human security" and hybrid warfare. The article posits that the IRGC has developed a unique, multi-layered model of deterrence to address Iran's complex security challenges. The Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its pivotal geopolitical and geostrategic position in West Asia, faces a multifaceted array of threats, ranging from conventional military risks and cross-border terrorist groups to more nuanced challenges such as cultural infiltration, cognitive warfare, media propaganda, cyber-attacks, and economic sanctions. Theoretical Framework and Methodology The study employs a mixed-methods research approach, combining qualitative and quantitative techniques. The qualitative phase utilized a two-round Delphi method, involving semi-structured interviews and theoretical content analysis with 14 security and defense experts from relevant state institutions. This phase identified key dimensions, components, and themes related to the IRGC's management of terrorist crimes. The quantitative phase involved a closed questionnaire, derived from the Delphi findings, which was distributed to security experts and mid-level IRGC managers. Respondents rated the importance of various factors using a four-point Likert scale. Data analysis was performed using Friedman's test and Kendall's coefficient of concordance to rank the factors and measure the level of expert consensus.

Abstract Power is a fundamental concept in International Relations, particularly in Realist theory. While Realism defines power mainly in terms of survival, security, the balance of power, and national interest, Islamic thought incorporates material, ethical, normative, and divine dimensions into its understanding of power. This study examines the extent to which the Islamic conception of power overlaps with the realist perspective and identifies the areas in which it requires refinement. Using a descriptive–analytical method and a refinement (tanqīḥ) and purification (tahdhīb) approach, the article comparatively analyzes the concept of power in Realism and Islamic thought. The analysis is based on an interpretation of Islam that views power within the framework of justice, deterrence, legitimate defense, legitimacy, and moral responsibility. The findings show that Islam recognizes the necessity of power for maintaining security, deterrence, and the survival of the political community, thus sharing common ground with some realist assumptions. However, it rejects the realist view of power as an autonomous end based on the continuous accumulation of domination. Instead, it defines power through the principles of justice, human dignity, legitimacy, moral responsibility, divine purpose, and restrictions on the use of force. Given the diversity of Islamic interpretations concerning jihad, relations with non-Muslims, and the exercise of power, the study adopts a defensive–deterrent perspective as its analytical framework. It concludes that Islamic power emerges from the interaction of material capabilities, moral legitimacy, and divine purpose, providing a refined and context-based framework for understanding power in International Relations.

Abstract This article provides a comparative study of the challenges of annulment and enforcement of arbitral awards issued by the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). Given the increasing importance of international arbitration in investment disputes and the pivotal role of ICID in this field, it is essential to have a proper understanding of the legal mechanisms governing the annulment and enforcement of ICID awards. This study first examines the mechanisms and legal foundations of annulment of awards in the ICID system itself, and then, with a comparative approach, examines the domestic laws of different countries, especially Iran, and the approach of arbitral tribunals in other legal systems regarding the recognition and enforcement of these awards. In this regard, key concepts such as the rules governing jurisdiction, manifest violation of procedure, and grounds for annulment of awards in ICID, as well as the conditions and obstacles to the recognition and enforcement of foreign awards in national systems, will be analyzed. The main goal of this research is to provide a comprehensive picture of the current situation and the challenges ahead in the annulment and implementation of the ICSID votes, and to provide solutions to facilitate the fair and effective implementation processes of these votes at the international level.

Abstract The post-2003 transformation of Iraq has positioned the country as one of the principal arenas of regional power competition, where Iran and Turkey, through distinct strategic approaches, have sought to redefine their respective roles within Iraq’s and the broader region’s security architecture. In this context, Turkey’s Neo-Ottomanism and Iran’s Axis of Resistance represent two competing paradigms of regional power projection and order-building, each generating significant implications for Iraq’s sovereignty, stability, and security. This study seeks to explain the security consequences of the rivalry between these two strategic frameworks for Iraq’s security environment. The central research question asks: How has the competition between Neo-Ottomanism and the Axis of Resistance shaped Iraq’s security environment? The study hypothesizes that Iran and Turkey have each oscillated between strategies of securitization and desecuritization depending on the sector and contextual setting. Regardless of which actor assumed the dominant securitizing role at a given juncture, their strategic competition has collectively reproduced multilayered and unstable security dynamics within Iraq. Employing a qualitative research design and a descriptive-analytical method, the study draws upon documentary and library-based sources. The data are analyzed through thematic analysis within the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School’s Securitization Theory. The findings demonstrate that Iran–Turkey rivalry across the political, military, economic, societal, and environmental sectors has transformed Iraq’s security environment into a multilayered and contested space. By intensifying threat perceptions, expanding regional interventions, and constraining Iraq’s capacity for autonomous governance, this rivalry has further exacerbated the country’s structural security fragility.

Abstract Focusing on the cycle of political instability and development failure in Afghanistan, this research examines three main variables including ethnic divisions, external dependence, and legitimacy crisis as factors in this cycle. faults that are intertwined with internal political and security competitions and have prevented the creation of an inclusive and stable state. Also, historical and structural dependence on foreign support, whether in the form of direct interventions by world powers or in the form of dependence on financial and military aid, has weakened the country's independence of political decision-making and has led to the fragility of the state structure. The legitimacy crisis, as a complementary link in this cycle, is caused by the lack of transparent elections and the weakness of democratic institutions, which ultimately has led to citizens' distrust of the political system. The research method was conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner and data were collected from historical, political sources, and contemporary reports. The findings show that the combination of these three factors has trapped Afghanistan in a vicious cycle that is difficult to escape from, such that whenever there is room for development, ethnic divisions or foreign interventions have disrupted stability and exacerbated the legitimacy crisis. The results suggest that resolving the Afghan crisis depends only on redefining political legitimacy based on genuine citizen participation, reducing dependence on foreign support, and constructively managing ethnic diversity. Otherwise, the cycle of political instability will continue and the failure to progress on the path to development will continue.

Abstract In recent years, hedging theory has played a prominent role in analyzing the behavior of units in international politics. While in past studies, these behaviors were followed by countries in a haphazard manner, there have been no coherent theories to examine different patterns in the field. Now, with the changing environment of economic cooperation and structural changes in the international system, each country is pursuing its hedging path differently from the others. In this context, the research problem ahead is to analyze the hedging pattern in Iran and Saudi Arabia as two neighboring powers in the West Asian region and relatively similar political powers. Accordingly, the main question of the present study is: Based on what patterns of hedging do the two countries behave in economic diplomacy and what consequences does each of these patterns bring? The research findings indicate that Iran has moved towards a reactive hedging model in a situation where external pressures on the one hand and lack of decision-making coherence on the other have led the country to a level of reactivity to dominant global patterns. In contrast, the Saudi government, based on its development strategy, has adopted a coherent hedging model. At the same time, both models have been relatively implemented in Iran and Saudi Arabia, and their full realization depends on maintaining the status quo in the coming years. The research method of this article is based on the data analysis method and is based on a descriptive-analytical model.

Abstract After Operation Storm Al-Aqsa, the Zionist regime has taken a series of measures against the Palestinians, one of the most prominent of which was the attempt to dissolve UNRWA. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of this regime's opposition to UNRWA. The main issue of this article is the series of actions taken by the Zionist regime against UNRWA, from October 7, 2023 to January 2025. The main question of the article is: "What are the most important behavioral patterns of the Zionist regime against Palestinian refugees, and what is the main reason for this regime's opposition to UNRWA's activities in the Palestinian issue, especially in the Gaza Strip?" The hypothesis of the article is formulated as follows: "Given that UNRWA has perpetuated the issue of Palestinian refugees and preserved their identity in order to pursue the right of return, the Zionist regime is trying to negate the right of return by eliminating the UNRWA institution." The findings of the article show that over the past 77 years, the Zionist regime has pursued measures such as creating a false narrative, paying compensation, transferring and settling in third countries, exchanging with Jewish refugees, forced migration, starving, and finally dissolving UNRWA to eliminate the issue of Palestinian refugees. The hypothesis of this article was processed by analyzing valid data, using a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach, and the data collection method was also library.

Abstract The aim of the present study was to explain the audience trust-building pattern in BBC Persian media and compare it with the national media.The present study is a mixed (qualitative-quantitative) and applied research study. The statistical population includes all BBC Persian media audiences in Iran in 1404, equivalent to 10 million people who have access to this network through digital media (television, website, and social networks). For the qualitative part, purposive sampling was conducted and 72 key audiences who regularly watched BBC Persian programs were selected. In the quantitative part, using the available random sampling method, 384 people were selected from the BBC Persian network audience using the Cochran sampling formula. For the quantitative part, a comprehensive questionnaire with 20 closed questions on a 5-point Likert scale was designed to measure the level of audience trust in BBC Persian media and the factors affecting it (including transparency, impartiality, and interaction). For the qualitative part, semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions were conducted with 72 audience members. Each interview lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, and all interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded. The research findings showed that factors that build audience trust in national media include transparency and honesty, impartiality in news, interaction and accountability, and credible news analysis. Factors that build audience trust in BBC Persian media include impartiality and transparency, in-depth and timely analysis, and communication with the audience.

Abstract Justice in the Islamic world is not limited to the fair distribution of material resources; rather, it has a deeper foundation in the just ordering of knowledge and meaning. Injustice in the realm of knowledge, by silencing voices and erasing authentic narratives, not only makes the understanding of the experiences of Islamic societies impossible but also deprives them of historical agency and the ability to imagine a clear future. This research examines "silent violence" in West Asia - a non-physical yet profound form of domination operating in the realms of meaning, language, and representation, which creates "hermeneutical injustice" by depriving communities of the ability to express and interpret their sufferings. Using a critical-analytical method and integrating frameworks from social epistemology, postcolonial studies, and critical theory, the study analyzes two main forms of this violence: first, "Western discursive colonialism," which controls knowledge-production institutions to distort or erase Islamic narratives; and second, "Takfiri radical violence," which appropriates religious concepts to silence internal Islamic voices. Findings indicate that these two forms converge through three shared mechanisms- distortion of meaning, destruction of time, and eradication of hope- creating a network of civilizational hermeneutical injustice that fuels conflict and undermines the capacity to imagine and take action for change. The article concludes by proposing strategies of "restorative epistemic justice" through "historical resonance," "conceptual decolonization," "design justice," and "reclaiming the space of reasons."

Abstract The US-Israeli strategic alliance is one of the most prominent security alliances in the Middle East and has had a wide-ranging impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This alliance creates a multilayered threat system against Iran using military, intelligence, economic, and diplomatic tools. This research, with an analytical approach and case study, based on the theory of "balance of threat", aims to analyze the dimensions of the impact of this alliance on Iran's national security. Because countries are constantly trying to identify sources of threats and opportunities to ensure their survival and continuity in the international system. In this framework, the Islamic Republic of Iran, given its geopolitical position and regional capabilities, has a central position in the regional security equations of the Middle East. And the nature of the structural differences that link it to the United States and Israel. The US-Israeli strategic alliance, especially in the post-Cold War era, has become a major variable affecting the security environment surrounding Iran. The US-Israeli alliance, one of the most prominent strategic alliances in the region, is a key factor in creating strategic balances in the Middle East that have affected the Islamic Republic of Iran and presented it with political, security, military, economic, and social challenges. This study concludes that the US-Israeli alliance not only activates hard threats, but also includes soft and hybrid threats that have forced Iran to adopt asymmetric deterrence strategies to maintain the threat balance in its regional environment

Abstract One of the important achievements of Afghanistan after the 1980s is the separation of powers and responsibilities of the three branches of government. The division is carried out in order to prevent the monopoly of power. According to the Afghan Constitution, the legislative body of Afghanistan was recognized as an independent body with specific powers. The Afghan parliament is basically two-chamber and bicameral; one is called the Wolesi Jirga, which has 250 representatives and is directly elected by the people, and the other is the Meshrano Jirga, which consists of 102 representatives, 34 of whom are appointed from among the representatives of the provincial councils (one representative from each province for a period of four years), another 34 from among the district councils (one representative from each province) for a period of three years, and another 34 of whom are appointed by the president for a period of five years.

Abstract The Red Sea, in contemporary geopolitical developments, is no longer merely a vital corridor for global trade or a maritime space confined to security considerations. Rather, it has evolved into a dynamic and enduring arena of competition among extra-regional powers, where maritime security, access to energy resources, and geopolitical influence are closely intertwined. This study seeks to explain the mechanisms through which the intervention of extra-regional powers contributes to the reproduction of geopolitical insecurity in the Red Sea by addressing the following central research question: How does the intervention of extra-regional powers contribute to the intensification and persistence of geopolitical insecurity in the Red Sea? The research adopts an explanatory–analytical approach and employs a qualitative research design. Data were collected through documentary and, official reports, and analytical documents. The findings indicate that the active and, at times, competing presence of extra-regional powers through military installations, economic partnerships, and maritime diplomacy has altered the region's fragile balance, affecting not only global trade routes but also local security networks and institutional structures. The study further demonstrates that the complex interactions among extra-regional actors, together with the adaptive responses of the littoral states, play a decisive role in shaping the regional security environment. . Overall, the study concludes that the reproduction of geopolitical insecurity in the Red Sea is driven less by the mere presence of extra-regional powers than by the prevailing pattern of strategic competition, the militarization of the region, and the weakness of coordination mechanisms between regional and extra-regional actors.