The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract  Introduction and problem statement
One of the regions that is of great importance in the human and natural fields is the region of the Islamic world in general, and the Middle East in particular. This region has always played a decisive role in the structure of the global geopolitical system. The importance of the Middle East and the Islamic world lies in its human and natural contents. Despite the many structural and functional similarities of the common religion and other structural and functional commonalities, the powers have not been able to play an effective role in establishing a cohesive regional organization for hegemonic stability in the Islamic world. This situation shows that if the powers of the Islamic world (Turkey, Pakistan, Iran and Saudi Arabia) do not take effective steps towards cooperation and convergence, the unrest in this region will pave the way for further influence of the supra-regional powers.
Geopolitics
This concept has a special place in theoretical research in the field of power-politics and land. Geopolitics is the study of the competition of powers for domination over the region, and the world based on the facilities that geography provides them with or the facilities that each power has in competition with another from the geographical environment. Geopolitical dependence is a kind of dependence of the interests and goals of a political actor on the geographical values and advantages of countries and other political actors.
Geo-economics
Geo-economics is the study of the political and spatial aspects of economics and resources. Geo-economics is a branch of geopolitics and political geography that examines politics, resources, and economics. The Geo-economics approach is composed of a combination of three factors: geography, power, and economics, and examines the relationship between the three and their interaction in order to gain the power of governments. Geo-economics is nothing but geopolitical or anti-geopolitical is part of the realm of geopolitical knowledge .
Research Methods:
 This research has been done with descriptive-analytical method and the study of authoritative library sources. The results show despite religious commonality and human and natural resources, the Islamic world has a lot of potential to become a regional power in the global geopolitical system, but it is not possible due to some factors and areas of conflict and divergence, including rupture. There are some factors to make it impossible including geographical space, religious and ethnic differences, political thought and system, lack of independence and political and economic affiliations, territorial conflicts, internal competition of the superpowers of the Islamic world, existence of political and security alliances with great powers and supra-regional actors, etc. The huge potential has not been used properly. It is worth mentioning that along with divergence factors, there are factors and areas such as religious and civilizational commonalities, structural and functional homogeneity, common interests and needs, common sense of threat, etc., which can play an effective role in the unity and convergence of the Islamic world.
The Islamic world suffers from a lack of territorial integrity, which is limited to eleven geographical regions, and the Middle East region, which is mainly referred to as the center of the Islamic world, is also distinct from several geopolitical regions; This geographical disruption has provided the ground for territorial and border disputes, and this provides a good platform for trans-regional interventions. Given the challenges posed in the four political, economic, cultural and geographical sectors, the construction of a new Islamic civilization will face many difficulties. External factors, especially the West, have also confirmed the excessive disintegration within the Islamic world, doubling the problem of divergence and ultimately the construction of Islamic civilization.
Differences in the political structure of regional powers
Iran: Iran's political system was a constitutional one before the revolution; the Iranian constitution was passed in 1979 and was put to a referendum in the same year, with a positive vote. According to the country's constitution, it has three branches: the legislature, the executive and the judiciary.
Saudi Arabia: Saudi Arabia is an absolute kingdom. New Saudi Arabia. was founded by King Abdul Aziz in 1932. The three legislatures, the executive and the judiciary, are distinct, also all matters depend on the king's decision, and strategic decisions in Saudi Arabia are made by the king. The executive branch is chaired by the king. The parliament also has a more advisory aspect, and its removal and election is by the king. In Saudi Arabia, the judiciary, like the other two branches, is directly under the king's supervision.
Geo-economics competition
Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two poles of energy resources and have formed the core of geo-economic competition in the Islamic world. In terms of the composition of oil and natural gas reserves, the situation is almost the same, and Iran has the strategic advantage of being located between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, and controls the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 40% of the world's oil passes.
Saudi Arabia's Approach to Iran's Nuclear Program: Saudi Arabia considers the agreement on permanent nuclear weapons and considers Iran's nuclear goal as a strategic threat. Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council are concerned about the implementation of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in Iran, which will increase Iran's power in the region. In general, in considering Saudi Arabia's behavior toward Iran over the past few years, it is clear that its approach to Iran has become highly competitive and hostile.
Saudi Arabia's level of competition and tension with Iran: Saudi Arabia's reactionary ideology is less attractive to the nations of the region than Iran's original Islamic ideology, which is based on the ideal of Islamic unity. Lebanon's Hezbollah, as a Shiite group, and Hamas, as a Sunni group, are a crystallization of the appeal of genuine Iranian Islamic ideology. Saudi Arabia is controlled by an authoritarian, Wahhabi-dominated kingdom. In contrast, Iran has a genuine Islamic, revolutionary, and anti-Western ideology.
The results show that the Islamic world is one of the most sensitive and geopolitical regions in the world. Convergence and divergence in this region can fundamentally change the power structure in the world; It is worth mentioning that along with divergence factors, there are factors and areas such as religious and civilizational commonalities, structural and functional homogeneity, common interests and needs, common sense of threat, etc. that can play an effective role in the unity and convergence of the Islamic world. Slowly The effects of the two major powers of the Islamic world, Iran and Saudi Arabia, on their convergence and divergence in the Islamic world, given their geopolitical weight, are negligible.In general, convergence in the Islamic world goes beyond convergence between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the two countries should negotiate the cultural, academic, political and social levels on the agenda as soon as possible, with a proper understanding of the global geopolitical structure and system of domination. They should lead the field to greater convergence and cooperation and align other countries with themselves. In case of resolving disputes between the two countries and laying the groundwork for cooperation and convergence of stable regional forces and hegemony, the two powers will be aligned, and foreign powers will not have a justification for presence and domination in the region. Therefore, in the current approach of regional countries, it has benefited from these disputes, and since it procrastinates in resolving these disputes, it threatens the Islamic world like a deadly poison.

Abstract Saudi Arabia, After Saddam Hussain’s falling, has looked forward to Iraq security-political, economic and cultural trends by high sensitivity and so, has intervened in many of them. As a result of this intervention, Iraq lost its security and entirely destabilized and of course Saudi Kingdom lost the opportunity to build close ties with new political system in Iraq. Having this in mind forced the Iraqi side, including the nation and most Shia political blocks to distance Saudi as far as possible. As a result of this situation, Saudi political system put “Support Extremist groups", Isolation of Iraq and deepening sectarian gaps in Iraq's society into its policies towards the country. By 2015, after years of seeking “destabilizing policies”, Saudis couldn’t get desired achievements and Iraq could backlash by creating PMF and Shia blocks preserved their position in political system.
 To redress this weak position, Saudi kingdom changed its world view towards Iraq and established a new phase in its ties with Post-Saddam Iraq, which till then have become Post-ISIS too. In this framework, Riyadh changed its policies towards Iraq and rather seeking destabilizing attempts, started détente with Baghdad by focusing on cooperation in the economic sphere. At this period Saudis put aside long and historic “identical oriented” “suppressing Shia policy” and changed it to “benefit oriented” “economic cooperation policy”. According to the latter view, Riyadh from 2016 reengaged diplomatically with Baghdad and the Saudi ambassador arrived to Baghdad for the first time since 1991. After this important step Saudi high-ranking political figures such as Adel- Aljubair (then foreign Minister) came to Baghdad for the first time. Now 4 years after this rotation, all three Iraqi prime ministers (Abadi, Abdul-Mahdi; Kadimi) have been invited warmly to Riyadh, some 5 high commercial delegations have visited each other from both countries, Saudi has committed to support Iraq by more than 1 billion dollars in addition to gift a big stadium, Arar border entrance opened as the first border crossing point between the two, military cooperation has started, and the trend hasn’t been paused yet. This big change made the authors of the article use two theories (constructivism for the first phase and New-Functionalism for the second one).
In this article, we have utilized Descriptive-explanative methodology for elaborating the turning point in Riyadh-Baghdad relations in post Saddam. We evaluate Saudi policy towards the issue of Iraq from 2003 to the Mid- 2020 and answer to this main question: “what changes have happened in Saudi Policy Towards Iraq in Post Saddam era”; To do so, we have explained that Riyadh, after 2016, by backfiring in its policies towards Iraq, which had rooted down in Anti-Shia attitude, changed its policy from a destabilizing one to a detente. In other words, Saudi Arabia after 2016, despite almost a decade of political and security conflict, has become an assistant actor for mostly Shia government in Baghdad and sought for a convergence. Through this article our assumption is “from 2003 to 2016, Saudis just considered new government in Iraq as a Shia actor which was based on identical attitudes, it was impossible to compromise with, but after that, with seeing no result from old attitudes, Riyadh chose to change the way and look at Iraq from functionalism point of view”. To verify mentioned assumption, we utilized descriptive-explanative method and constructivism and new functionalism as the methodology.

Abstract The popular uprisings of 2011 in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa, which led to political regimes change in Tunisia, Egypt, and then Yemen and Libya, could not be limited to purely political or economic factors in the view of many observers. Therefore, paying attention to the other dimensions and aspects of these developments can lead to results, which may have been less considered so far. In this context, ethnic characteristics and tribal factors are among the issues in the light of which, the 2011 revolutionary developments in some Arab countries can be analyzed from a different perspective.
Accordingly, given the importance of ethnic-tribal issues in the political developments on the one hand and the outbreak of the 2011 protest uprisings in Libya as an important country in the Islamic world, the authors seek to analyze the issue of whether ethnic-tribal components played an effective role in the 2011 Libyan revolutionary developments. In other words, can the 2011 revolutionary developments in Libya have ethnic and tribal roots along with other factors and characteristics? In this case, if the answer is positive and the developments in Libya in 2011 can be considered to have sub-national and ethnic roots, the next question should explain why ethnic and tribal roots should essentially be considered as an influential factor along with other existing factors in the developments in Libya in 2011. To answer these questions, the role and function of ethnic-tribal characteristics and components, the context of tribalism, the political and social structure of Libya and its government's approach to tribes and their role in the 2011 popular uprising will be studied. 
Methodology
The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The authors have used library and documentary methods to collect information and data. Descriptive research has considered both applied and basic aspects; in the applied dimension, the results of this research are used in decision-making and policy-making, as well as planning. Knowing the scope of management and the change in variables is essential for decision-making and decision-making and policy-making would be impossible without any knowledge of the society, tendencies, characteristics, quality of variables as well as effective factors in the scope of management. Descriptive research is necessary to make us aware of these affairs. Descriptive research in its basic dimension leads to the discovery of facts and realities. This kind of research in the humanities leads to discovering scientific facts and obtaining a lot of general information by an inductive method.
Discussion and Result
One of the most important and fundamental social and political features of Libya, which has been historically the source of political developments, which cannot be ignored in the political developments of this country, is the role and function of ethnic and tribal structures. These structures have always deeply affected Libya’s political-social and even economic system throughout history, since the time that this territory was under the control of the Ottoman Empire, and also during the British and Italian colonial period, in the period after independence and the establishment of the monarchy and then since the Gaddafi’s coup and subsequently, its overthrow in 2011. An important aspect of the 2011 Libyan popular protests has been the existence of sub-national and tribal ethnic components and characteristics. This claim is made due to the significant presence of tribal leaders in these developments. The reason for the fact that Libya's revolutionary developments have been affected by ethnic and tribal features is due to two general characteristics of this country. On the one hand, the historical and geographical situation of Libya has been a major factor in the role of ethnic and tribal components in this country. On the other hand, despite its economic and social achievements, the policies and actions of the government during the rule of Colonel Gaddafi have been a factor in the continuation and revival of tribalism in Libya in the two decades leading up to the 2011 revolution.
In this study, the authors tried to answer the main question that "what role did ethnic-tribal characteristics and components play in the popular uprising and the revolutionary developments in Libya in 2011?". To answer this question, the nature and characteristics of the Libyan popular uprising, the historical and geographical background of tribalism in the country, the new social structure of Libya, social policies and approaches of the Gaddafi government to tribes and ethnic groups in Libya and the function of Libyan tribes and ethnic groups in the 2011 popular uprising were studied. The findings showed that ethnic-tribal structures played an important role in the 2011 Libyan popular uprisings.
Conclusion
Tribalism is a prominent feature of sociological issues related to Libya. In different periods of Libya's political history, this feature has given a special shape to the developments in this country. Prior to independence, the ruling powers in Libya tried to contain and control this feature in the direction of their goals, even at the time of attaining independence, whether during the Libyan monarchy or under Gaddafi, the issue of tribalism has been always placed in the core of government’s agendas. The reason for the fact that this feature has so far maintained its importance in Libya's sociological issues is related to the country's historical, natural and political background, which was mentioned in this study. But the more important issue is how tribalism acts in Libya's political future, which needs to be addressed. Since this feature has always been a major factor in creating ethnic and social divisions in the country, if future governments in Libya do not pursue effective ethnic policies, given the continuation of old ethnic divisions and the creation of new ones, the country's political scene will be faced with instability and problems due to ethnic divisions as in the past.

Abstract The combination of oil, clan, monarch, Wahhabi Islam and traditional interaction with the United States has made Saudi Arabia as a conservative country. Saudi Arabia is the only country in West Asia and North Africa that has not undergone any major coups, revolutions and important changes since its foundation in 1932.
Despite tactical changes, this country has behaved similarly at a strategic level in different historical periods, understanding this can be a great help in analyzing, explaining and researching Riyadh's foreign policy. This study has extracted the behavioral patterns of Saudi Arabia in West Asia and North Africa Based on »2030 vision« by qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach. This research attempts to answer this question: The political, social and security events in the Arab world that began in 2011 also brought the new ruling elite to power and its internal reforms in the form of a 2030 vision, "What is the change in Saudi Arabia's foreign policy patterns?".
Methodology, Discussion and Result
The conservative tradition is recognized as one of the central symbols of Saudi Arabia's politics, government, society, culture and foreign policy. Study of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy history has been always stable at the level of strategy, since its founding by King Abdulaziz in 1932 and the reign of his sons shows Riyadh's foreign policy in West Asia and North Africa, despite slight changes in level of tactics and methods.
A combination of tribal tradition and the patriarchal system of government, the teachings of Wahhabism, excessive dependence on oil, and security through ties with the United States have led to the Saudi government should oppose any action, movement or theory that challenges the traditional system of the region.
Riyadh's opposition to socialist currents and parties, Nasserite and Ba'athist Arab nationalism, anti-occupation resistance, revolutionary Islam and resistance, and finally to the Muslim Brotherhood can be examined in the context of Riyadh's traditional approach to maintaining the status quo in the Middle East.
The developments of the Islamic Awakening and the events of 2011 are considered as a destructive move to upset the cultural, political and geopolitical balance of the region by Saudi Arabia, which was met with a reaction from Riyadh, although a military presence in Bahrain to support the Al Khalifa regime in Manama and political, financial, and weapons support to Syrian opposition groups  and the lack of support for the Palestinian resistance in the 51-day war in 2012, and the 7-day war in 2014 happened during the reign of King Abdullah but Abdullah's death, King Salman's rose to power, and Salman's tenure as Minister of  Defense and Provincial Office made Saudi Arabia more aggressive in establishing a new order in West Asia and Africa, from Saudi Arabia to a traditional and conservative country  to an active and aggressive actor.
Although several works have been published on Saudi Arabia's foreign policy and analysis of Riyadh's behavior, few studies have analyzed Riyadh's regional policies based on socio-political reforms. The study of domestic reform and its impact on Saudi Arabia's foreign policy is one of the innovations of this article. This article considers Saudi Arabia's domestic reforms as facilitators of its foreign policy. In the first part, the theoretical framework of the research, which is called eclectic neoclassic, is introduced. In the second part, while briefly introducing Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 program, a brief reference will be made to the country's internal developments that have led to a tactical change in Riyadh's regional policy.
 
In the third part, the socio-political reforms of Saudi Arabia, which are extracted from the Vision 2030 document and its foreign policy, are examined. Also in this section, patterns and trends in Riyadh foreign policy are studied in the following five sections. 1- Seeking supremacy in the Arabian Peninsula, 2- Hegemony in West Asia and North Africa and balancing in the region 3- Balance in relations with the United States 4- Maintaining cultural, media and political sovereignty in the Arab world and the Islamic world 5. Reducing dependence on oil and diversifying its economy.
Conclusion
Among the countries of West Asia and North Africa, Saudi Arabia has had the least changes in the domestic and foreign arenas, and unlike all countries in the region, it has never undergone a revolution, coup and fundamental change. combination of tribal tradition, patriarchal rule and patronage, Wahhabi teachings, rent-seeking economics, and US-based foreign security have made Riyadh a status quo. for years, "Wahhabi conservatism, the oil economy, and the security alliance with the United States" were the three main tenets of Saudi foreign policy, and foreign policy was shaped by them. Saudi Arabia is now seeking to change the Wahhabi-oil-US triangle by drawing the 2030 vision. Riyadh's regional policy should not be seen as a change in Riyadh's overall foreign strategy, in the face of the 2011 developments and its aggressive approach but as a tactical shift by Saudi Arabia to prevent a shift in the geopolitical balance of West Asia and North Africa. understanding the fixed principles and deriving patterns of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy can help to explain and accurately predict Riyadh's domestic and foreign policies.
This article uses an analytical, descriptive, and historical approach based on domestic reform and the 2030 vision to conclude that Saudi Arabia's regional policies stem from Riyadh's attempt to return to the pre-2011 situation, not from Saudi revisionism.

Abstract Introduction
In the Geopolitical region of the Middle East, the ISIS terrorist group, which emerged as the most powerful organized group, produced a number of political-economic equations for the region and the world order. The emergence of this organized terrorist group had different effects on the economic situation of the Levant countries. As we have seen since 2014, with the emergence of the terrorist group ISIS and their horrific acts of war in Iraq and Syria in particular, and in other countries in the region with bombings, it caused some disorders and security challenges and, consequently, economic costs. It created a lot of policies for these countries and caused countries like Iran to spend part of their national revenues on this issue to confront and fight it and other countries to strengthen it. however, what is remarkable is that ISIL's actions in Israel, despite being in Syria's neighborhood, did not cause an abnormal situation and loss for the country in the political, economic and military fields. It is noteworthy that ISIL terrorist attacks were carried out on the territory of Western European countries, but how can challenges not be carried out in Israel, which is adjacent to ISIL, at least in the form of bombings?
Methodology
This article has been done with a descriptive-analytical research method and used library resources and internet sites and with an approach to game theory (bargaining). Because the article emphasizes fossil fuels and their role in the Israeli economy, the bargaining approach has been chosen in the theory of bases.
Result and discussion
In game theory, balance is such that they are referred to as more or less or the minimum maximum. This means that every actor tries to minimize his defeat. The essence of game theory introduces man as a rational being. Inevitably, calculated human behavior occurs. What is considered as rational behavior in this theory is to maximize achievements. In this theory, methods are studied in which strategic interactions between economic agents result in the superiority (or exploitation) of these agents, where the results in question are probably not considered by any of the agents. However, the rise of ISIS has created economic problems in the Middle East. According to some experts, ISIL's view of oil as a source of finance and economic leverage has escalated clashes with other armed groups, which in turn has fueled economic insecurity in the region. It often sold oil at 50% below the market price, which had many implications for oil-dependent economy countries in the region. The smuggling of oil by ISIL through its own channels has caused further insecurity in the region. It steals large amounts of oil from storage tanks, pipelines and pumping stations. In addition, the movements of ISIS and other hostile groups in Syria reduced the country's oil production from 400,000 barrels before the unrest to 30,000 to 40,000 per day. Several reports claim that ISIL earned $ 3 million a day from Syrian oil operations. However, some other reports put the figure at several hundred thousand dollars a day. According to Christopher Garver, a spokesman for Operation Tidal View, ISIL previously earned about $ 30 million a month from its oil operations, but revenues fell to about $ 15 million a month in early 2016. On July 27, 2016, the United States, along with its coalition partners, reportedly carried out 14,000 airstrikes against ISIS oil operations.
However, the countries that make up the Levant have similar linguistic, cultural, and religious characteristics. These countries include Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Cyprus, Turkey (Hatay Province), Israel, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority. Regarding the geo-economics importance of the Levant Basin, the gas and oil reservoirs of this region should be emphasized. Of the 11 gas fields that have been discovered so far in the Levant sedimentary basin, nine, and the largest, the Leviathan field, are in Israeli waters. At present, about 99% of Israel's energy needs come from fossil fuels. In 2015, the composition of these fuels was 43% oil, 30% natural gas and 26% coal. The country imported all of its fuel needs by 2005 and was in fact, about 100% dependent on imports for energy.
Conclusion
Given that energy plays a decisive role in global equations and supra-regional powers in the Middle East seek to play a decisive role in this region, so energy tools can be considered an important tool for them. They are also looking forward to using the potential of conflict in this direction. The need for extra-regional energy in the Middle East, by supporting ISIS, has paved the way for the weakening of energy-rich countries, including Iraq and Syria, and created the conditions for their energy dominance. Therefore, it seems that this was the best opportunity for Israel to strengthen its economic indicators by earning income and selling energy resources. This acquisition and sale of energy resources was analyzed with an approach of bargaining theory in game theory, and it was observed that the interests of the allies in the regional dimension enabled Israel to better organize its economic situation in the energy sector than before. Looking at the exchanges of energy by Israel in the years of the rise of ISIS, we see that the terrorist group has not created any challenges for the Israeli energy economy.

Abstract Introduction
Frontiers and borders are among the topics in political geography and disciplinary geography that have a prominent and important place in establishing order and security in the country and prevent the entry of insecurity across borders of the country. Over the past centuries, this importance of borders has led to the formation of extensive studies and researches on borders, especially international borders. The process of studying borders in the past centuries, especially in the twentieth century, mostly included the historical aspects of borders, agreement, delimitation and marking, and the resulting issues, and good progress was clearly made in concepts related to borders. The methods of demarcating borders and marking them and to some extent controlling and maintaining have helped to increase the understanding of international ones. Therefore, the Caspian Basin, due to the special conditions of political and geopolitical geography and also political, historical, military and sociological issues, is one of the most critical and important points in the world and the issue of demarcation and security in this region. It is very important for the surrounding countries, the great powers and other parts of the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian Basin became a place for the most intense ethnic and political conflicts in the region. In this regard, this study deals with the demarcation of the identity formed in the Caspian region and the root of these conflicts. The main question of the research is which key factor has mostly affected the identity-cultural demarcation of the Caspian Basin? . The current research hypothesis is that "identity, ethnic-cultural differences" in the Caucasus and the Caspian Basin appear to be one of the key factors influencing the region's identity demarcation.
Methodology
The main method of this research is descriptive-analytical due to its theoretical nature. Accordingly, in this research, in addition to the correct depiction of the concept of identity demarcation, it has been tried to explain it in the Caspian region. Library and Internet resources have been used to gather information in this study.
Result and Discussion
The Caspian region is gaining meaning and importance because governments live in a common area with each other and have a common future. Accordingly, there is a regional system when regional governments and external actors believe that these governments are the creators of a region. IF countries that are close to each other in a geographical area see each other as a regional system, so, under certain conditions, they can facilitate cooperation among themselves and, under other circumstances, they can even increase conflict. In this way, governments will work together to establish peace and security when they share a common vision of each other's shared resources and believe in the principle that while maintaining their identity, they can communicate with each other. Because of the changes in identity of states with changing values and norms at the domestic and foreign levels, the interests of states and, consequently, the behavior of their foreign policy can never be considered a fixed and stable issue. As a result, depending on the type of identity and the interaction of states, we see different anarchic cultures at different levels.
Conclusion
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 changed the political, economic, military and Marginalization structure of the world, as well as NATO expansion in this area, adding to the legal and border regime in this area. Therefore, the formation of the Caspian region on the political map in the world is considered one of the obvious consequences of this important historical event. The region has a special legal, security and economic position in regional and international relations, as well as the challenges of the Caspian region in terms of identity and ethnic pluralism. In this regard, the events of September 11, 2001 had the greatest impact on the Caspian Sea, among other events, so that the most disruptive terrorist groups in the international arena used culture as a turning point in their conflicts with governments and other actors. They defined inconsistencies. On this occasion, since September 11, the countries of the Caspian Basin have been under pressure from security measures in response to terrorism. The countries of the Caspian Basin, which have an ethnic composition similar to the larger region of Central Asia and the Caucasus, have a very rare and complex multi-ethnic, multicultural, and multi-religious social structure as a mosaic of differences. In this regard, nationalism, common cultural and social ties, border commonalities and linguistic interests in the Caspian region strengthen the common ethnic and identity ties, resulted in the strong dependence and influence of security movements, so that ethnic identity plays an important role. The development of ethnic nationalism, and consequently the escalation of conflicts, has been a source of threats and mutual claims, and has hampered the political map of the region over the past century.