The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract Introduction: 08/08/2026In recent decades, the expansion of emerging technologies, particularly artificial intelligence (AI), has redefined the nature of power and the ways in which it is exercised within the international system. In this context, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as one of the major actors in the Middle East, has recognized the significance of technological transformations and developed a comprehensive strategy for leveraging artificial intelligence within the framework of its national development program, Vision 2030. With the aim of reducing its dependence on oil, enhancing governance efficiency, and strengthening its international position, Saudi Arabia has pursued the development of artificial intelligence as a strategic instrument for economic, social, and political transformation. In fact, by integrating advanced technologies with strategic policymaking, Saudi Arabia seeks to reshape the structures of power at both the domestic and regional levels. The significance of this study lies in demonstrating how artificial intelligence functions not merely as a technology but also as a geopolitical and strategic instrument for reproducing Saudi Arabia’s power and influence. Research Method: This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and is based on Joseph Nye’s theory of smart power. The research data were collected through library resources, official documents, international reports, and academic articles. The primary focus of the study is to examine Saudi Arabia’s major policies concerning artificial intelligence and to analyze its role in redefining domestic and regional power structures. Within this framework, the study employs qualitative and comparative content analysis to explain the relationship between emerging technologies, particularly artificial intelligence, and processes of smart power in Saudi Arabia’s domestic and foreign policies. Findings: The findings indicate that, within the framework of Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia has systematically pursued technological modernization and digital transformation through the establishment of the Saudi Data and Artificial Intelligence Authority (SDAIA) and the formulation of the National Strategy for Data and Artificial Intelligence (NSDAI). Through investment in large-scale projects such as the smart city of NEOM, the development of digital governance, and cooperation with leading international companies such as Google, Microsoft, and NVIDIA, the country seeks to consolidate its position as a technological power at both the regional and global levels. Artificial intelligence has also been employed as a tool for improving efficiency in key sectors, including healthcare, education, and security, while playing an important role in diversifying the national economy and strengthening political legitimacy. At the broader level, Saudi Arabia has utilized artificial intelligence to simultaneously strengthen the components of hard power—including military, economic, and infrastructural capabilities—and soft power, including its international image, technological diplomacy, and domestic legitimacy. This combination indicates the emergence of a model of “technological smart power” in Saudi Arabia. The findings further demonstrate that the concentration of power in the hands of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the centralized decision-making structure have facilitated the rapid implementation of technological policies. At the same time, however, this concentration has increased the risks associated with excessive dependence on individual leadership and the limited development of institutionalization. Conclusion: The findings demonstrate that Saudi Arabia is using artificial intelligence to develop a form of hybrid smart power that is transforming the country’s traditional power structure. This approach, aimed at consolidating Saudi Arabia’s position as a leading power in the digital economy, has contributed to enhancing its geopolitical influence and bargaining power within the international system. Nevertheless, the successful implementation of this model faces several challenges, including a shortage of specialized human resources, weaknesses in data management, legal gaps, organizational resistance to new technologies, and inequalities in digital infrastructure. Overcoming these challenges requires a multilayered policy framework encompassing human-resource empowerment, the development of specialized education and training, the strengthening of the innovation ecosystem, and the expansion of international cooperation. If these challenges are effectively managed, Saudi Arabia may develop a new model of technology-based governance grounded in smart power and emerge as one of the influential powers in the new digital order of the twenty-first century.

Abstract The People's Republic of China is known as a country whose status in the international system has been continuously improved and has entered into competition with other powers of the international system. China's continuous economic growth has caused a change in the economic agenda of the government in creating an approach to development and consolidation of power in the structures of international political economy, especially in the sensitive region of West Asia. this research tries to address the basic question of what effect China's economic policies towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have had on the relations of the council members. The research hypothesis is designed with a qualitative method and an explanatory approach in such a way that the inter-regional relations between China and the members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have led to the formation of a network of relations between the members of the Council, which has strengthened the level of cooperation, competition and interdependence between the members. Therefore, in this research, an attempt is made to investigate the influence of the field of inter-regionalism on the indicators of cooperation and competition in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council.

Abstract This research was conducted with the aim of identifying the key factors influencing the relations between Iran and the Zionist regime, designing potential future scenarios (2025–2035), assessing their likelihood and consequences, and proposing strategic responses. This descriptive-analytical study adopts a futurology approach using the scenario analysis method. The statistical population consisted of relevant scientific sources, and purposive sampling was employed. Secondary data were collected through a review of Persian and Latin sources (library and documentary). Findings indicate that key factors include ideology, the nuclear program, geopolitics, security, economy, cyber warfare, and the role of major powers. By integrating the moderating variable of “domestic political transformations in Iran, the U.S., and the Zionist regime,” four scenarios were designed: 1) Balance of Power World, 2) Diplomacy and Limited Tension World, 3) Hidden War World, and 4) Direct Confrontation World. Probability assessment reveals that the “Hidden War” scenario is highly probable, acting as a dynamic equilibrium resilient to political shocks. The “Diplomacy and Limited Tension” scenario is likely in the short term but unstable in the long term. The “Balance of Power” scenario has a low to medium probability, while the “Direct Confrontation” scenario has a low probability, though it remains a critical tail risk with catastrophic consequences. The conclusion suggests that the probability of widespread war is low, but indirect tensions will persist. Strategic responses are proposed for Iran

Abstract The present study aims to analyze the consequences of the Zionist regime’s 12-Day War against Iran on regional security, the balance of power in West Asia, and the responses of regional and international actors. The main research question is: "How can the Zionist regime’s 12-Day War against Iran be analyzed from the perspectives of network geopolitics and critical security, and what are its security and geopolitical consequences?" The research hypothesis posits that the short-term war by the Zionist regime against Iran, by disrupting the political, economic, and security networks of the region, intensifies long-term geopolitical consequences as well as human and regional security threats. The findings, utilizing a combination of network geopolitics (to analyze complex relations among regional and extra-regional actors) and critical security approaches (to examine human, social, and beyond-military consequences), along with qualitative analysis based on case studies, secondary sources, and content analysis of political and security data, demonstrate that the 12-Day War disrupted regional networks, weakened collective security and regional cooperation, and threatened the geopolitical stability of West Asia. This study emphasizes the importance of network-based analysis and a critical approach in understanding regional crises and provides strategies for strengthening collective security and preventive diplomacy.

Abstract The aim of this research is to examine criminological strategies and policies for preventing digital violence against women and children in the Islamic world. In terms of objective, this is an applied study; regarding nature and methodology, it is a descriptive-analytical study conducted using a qualitative approach. Data were gathered through the study and analysis of written and electronic sources, including books, domestic and international scholarly articles in the fields of criminal law, criminology, and cyber law, as well as relevant laws, regulations, and documents. Accordingly, the primary tools for data analysis included research note-taking, conceptual classification, and the systematic analysis of texts and documents. Research findings indicate that digital violence against women and children has emerged as a significant form of modern victimization, driven by the expansion of communication technologies and social networks. The results suggest that adopting preventive criminological strategies—such as education and digital literacy enhancement, strengthening legal and judicial protections, developing reporting mechanisms and victim support systems, ensuring digital platform accountability, and fostering cooperation among government, judicial, and civil society institutions—plays a crucial role in reducing the incidence of digital violence and mitigating its harmful effects. Furthermore, providing specialized support tailored to the needs of women and children through social and situational preventive interventions will enhance cybersecurity, reduce the vulnerability of these groups, and improve the effectiveness of criminal policy in combating digital crimes.

Abstract The post-2003 transformation of Iraq has positioned the country as one of the principal arenas of regional power competition, where Iran and Turkey, through distinct strategic approaches, have sought to redefine their respective roles within Iraq’s and the broader region’s security architecture. In this context, Turkey’s Neo-Ottomanism and Iran’s Axis of Resistance represent two competing paradigms of regional power projection and order-building, each generating significant implications for Iraq’s sovereignty, stability, and security. This study seeks to explain the security consequences of the rivalry between these two strategic frameworks for Iraq’s security environment. The central research question asks: How has the competition between Neo-Ottomanism and the Axis of Resistance shaped Iraq’s security environment? The study hypothesizes that Iran and Turkey have each oscillated between strategies of securitization and desecuritization depending on the sector and contextual setting. Regardless of which actor assumed the dominant securitizing role at a given juncture, their strategic competition has collectively reproduced multilayered and unstable security dynamics within Iraq. Employing a qualitative research design and a descriptive-analytical method, the study draws upon documentary and library-based sources. The data are analyzed through thematic analysis within the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School’s Securitization Theory. The findings demonstrate that Iran–Turkey rivalry across the political, military, economic, societal, and environmental sectors has transformed Iraq’s security environment into a multilayered and contested space. By intensifying threat perceptions, expanding regional interventions, and constraining Iraq’s capacity for autonomous governance, this rivalry has further exacerbated the country’s structural security fragility.

Abstract After Operation Storm Al-Aqsa, the Zionist regime has taken a series of measures against the Palestinians, one of the most prominent of which was the attempt to dissolve UNRWA. The aim of this article is to examine the foundations of this regime's opposition to UNRWA. The main issue of this article is the series of actions taken by the Zionist regime against UNRWA, from October 7, 2023 to January 2025. The main question of the article is: "What are the most important behavioral patterns of the Zionist regime against Palestinian refugees, and what is the main reason for this regime's opposition to UNRWA's activities in the Palestinian issue, especially in the Gaza Strip?" The hypothesis of the article is formulated as follows: "Given that UNRWA has perpetuated the issue of Palestinian refugees and preserved their identity in order to pursue the right of return, the Zionist regime is trying to negate the right of return by eliminating the UNRWA institution." The findings of the article show that over the past 77 years, the Zionist regime has pursued measures such as creating a false narrative, paying compensation, transferring and settling in third countries, exchanging with Jewish refugees, forced migration, starving, and finally dissolving UNRWA to eliminate the issue of Palestinian refugees. The hypothesis of this article was processed by analyzing valid data, using a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach, and the data collection method was also library.

Abstract The aim of the present study was to explain the audience trust-building pattern in BBC Persian media and compare it with the national media.The present study is a mixed (qualitative-quantitative) and applied research study. The statistical population includes all BBC Persian media audiences in Iran in 1404, equivalent to 10 million people who have access to this network through digital media (television, website, and social networks). For the qualitative part, purposive sampling was conducted and 72 key audiences who regularly watched BBC Persian programs were selected. In the quantitative part, using the available random sampling method, 384 people were selected from the BBC Persian network audience using the Cochran sampling formula. For the quantitative part, a comprehensive questionnaire with 20 closed questions on a 5-point Likert scale was designed to measure the level of audience trust in BBC Persian media and the factors affecting it (including transparency, impartiality, and interaction). For the qualitative part, semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions were conducted with 72 audience members. Each interview lasted between 45 and 60 minutes, and all interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded. The research findings showed that factors that build audience trust in national media include transparency and honesty, impartiality in news, interaction and accountability, and credible news analysis. Factors that build audience trust in BBC Persian media include impartiality and transparency, in-depth and timely analysis, and communication with the audience.

Abstract Justice in the Islamic world is not limited to the fair distribution of material resources; rather, it has a deeper foundation in the just ordering of knowledge and meaning. Injustice in the realm of knowledge, by silencing voices and erasing authentic narratives, not only makes the understanding of the experiences of Islamic societies impossible but also deprives them of historical agency and the ability to imagine a clear future. This research examines "silent violence" in West Asia - a non-physical yet profound form of domination operating in the realms of meaning, language, and representation, which creates "hermeneutical injustice" by depriving communities of the ability to express and interpret their sufferings. Using a critical-analytical method and integrating frameworks from social epistemology, postcolonial studies, and critical theory, the study analyzes two main forms of this violence: first, "Western discursive colonialism," which controls knowledge-production institutions to distort or erase Islamic narratives; and second, "Takfiri radical violence," which appropriates religious concepts to silence internal Islamic voices. Findings indicate that these two forms converge through three shared mechanisms- distortion of meaning, destruction of time, and eradication of hope- creating a network of civilizational hermeneutical injustice that fuels conflict and undermines the capacity to imagine and take action for change. The article concludes by proposing strategies of "restorative epistemic justice" through "historical resonance," "conceptual decolonization," "design justice," and "reclaiming the space of reasons."

Abstract This article examines the Shanghai Cooperation Organization's (SCO) formation process, developments, and the approach to combating terrorism. The SCO Initially established with the aim of resolving border disputes and enhancing regional security among member states and then gradually evolved into a multifaceted institution with activities spanning security, economic, social, and cultural domains. However, the organization's primary focus remains on security cooperation, particularly in countering the threats posed by terrorism, extremism, and separatism. In this regard, the SCO's regional anti-terrorism framework plays a key role in coordinating security intelligence and conducting joint operations. This study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizing Buzan's "Regional Security Complex" theory, analyzes the SCO's anti-terrorism strategy. The findings indicate that the organization's current approach is primarily confrontational and operational, focusing on safeguarding the status quo of member states against separatism and extremism; however, preventive measures, addressing state-sponsored terrorism, and human rights considerations have not received sufficient attention. Furthermore, the research highlights the necessity of strengthening institutional and legal frameworks for effective counter-terrorism efforts. This article also provides recommendations for improving operational mechanisms and enhancing international cooperation in the fight against terrorism. Among these suggestions are the formulation of unified policies to combat common threats, the development of anti-terrorism capacities in member states, and the assurance of inevitable punishment for terrorist acts.

Abstract Administrative law explains and regulates the relations between the people and the government and supervises the activities related to public services and maintaining public order of administrative organizations. Due to the lack of historical understanding of the concept of "administration" and the laws governing it, the possibility of forming an efficient and coherent administrative law in Iran has been challenged. A review of the course of developments in the administrative system over the past hundred years shows that numerous programs have been implemented to improve it both before and after the revolution. This study, using a descriptive-analytical method, examined the foundations of the development of administrative law in Iran from the Qajar and Pahlavi eras to the developments after the 1979 revolution. By examining the historical course of developments in Iranian administrative law, it is observed that the constitutional period was a turning point in the beginning of the modernization of the country's administrative structure. the principles of separation of powers, government responsibility to the nation, and efforts to create an accountable and transparent system were put forward, but centralization and unaccountable and judicially unsupervised authority of the government still prevailed in the administration of public affairs. After the Islamic Revolution, with the establishment of a new political and social structure, a new system of administrative law was introduced. Emphasis is placed on transparency, government accountability, judicial oversight, and protection of citizen rights in legislation and executive procedures, but the full implementation of these principles in practice faces numerous challenges.