The Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World

Abstract Today, the Caucasus region has become a scene of competition among the major global powers, including Russia, Turkey, the United States, and European countries, according to both domestic and foreign experts. Based on the Heartland Theory, this region plays a key role in global leadership and is considered one of the most strategically important areas in the world. For this reason, both regional and extra-regional actors regard the Caucasus not only from a geopolitical and geostrategic perspective but also as a sensitive area from a geoeconomic viewpoint. The Caucasus, especially its southern part, is deemed geopolitically, geoeconomically, and geostrategically important for several reasons. First, it serves as a crossroads for East-West and North-South communication and has historically been a bridge connecting the two continents of Asia and Europe—particularly through China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the North-South Corridor linking India, Russia, and Iran. Second, it is a route for Russia to the West and vice versa. Third, the region is rich in energy resources, particularly oil and gas, and serves as a transit route for these resources to Europe; this means that important pipelines for energy transfer in this region pass through the Southern Caucasus. Lastly, the area is a meeting point for various religions and ethnic groups. Regarding the influence and role of global actors in this region, it is noteworthy that prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia had full control over Central Asia and the Caucasus. However, after the collapse, on one hand, due to weaknesses in Russia’s industrial and economic power despite its nuclear and military capabilities, and historical, cultural, and linguistic ties with its neighbors, and on the other hand due to the geoeconomic position of the region owing to the energy potentials of the Caspian Sea, Central Asia and the Caucasus became the focus of both regional and extra-regional powers. The war between Russia and Ukraine in early 2022, along with the second Nagorno-Karabakh war (2020), transformed the balance of regional power in the post-Cold War era and reconfigured the strategic environment of the Southern Caucasus in light of emerging geopolitical and geoeconomic realities. In this context, new actors have emerged, and the role of traditional actors has somewhat diminished. Another reason for the emergence of new players relates to the fact that Central Asian and Caucasian countries, due to their infrastructural weaknesses and excessive reliance on energy reserves, have a strong need for foreign companies to extract oil and gas. Therefore, many extra-regional countries, seeking to diversify their energy supply channels and achieve reliable and low-cost access while also aiming to reduce dependence on Russia, have expressed interest in these regions. Additionally, the United States has emerged as a serious competitor in the region, supporting routes that would align with its long-term geopolitical goals and restrict the actual and fundamental roles of Russia and Iran in the area. Moreover, being landlocked has meant that the economic and social development of landlocked countries largely depends on their access to open seas via land and transit routes through neighboring countries. Considering that only Georgia has access to open waters in the Southern Caucasus, Azerbaijan and Armenia require neighbors like Iran and Turkey to access free waters. Therefore, each political entity in the region finds it difficult to resolve its issues without cooperation from others. Recent developments in the Caucasus, especially in the relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia, have created ambiguous conditions in Iran’s foreign policy, generating mutual opportunities and threats. If no smart approach is adopted, this situation will not benefit Iran and may lead to significant losses for the country. Furthermore, in recent decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been able to capitalize on its geopolitical opportunities in Central Asia and the Caucasus as needed; this issue has led to considerable tensions between Iran and its neighbors in the Caucasus, a growing distance between Iran and this region despite many commonalities, as well as the adoption of less strategic and targeted policies. This study employs grounded theory and semi-structured interviews with experts in this field to diagnose the general policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the crises in the Caucasus region, particularly Nagorno-Karabakh. The main question of this research is: What flaws exist in Iran’s relationships and policies towards this region? We analyze this issue through three stages of coding (initial, secondary, and axial) and ultimately arrive at an exploratory theory that will be presented in the analysis section. Additionally, to further comprehend the subject, it is necessary to examine that the Southern Caucasus region is one of the important and strategic areas for the Islamic Republic of Iran and some significant countries like Russia. Russia inherited the extensive military power of the Soviet Union but did not inherit its communist culture and ideology. This occurred at a time when a cultural and civilian image was thought to play a significant role in presenting a positive image of countries compared to the Cold War era. Moreover, it is crucial to note that three states—Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia—declared independence following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Due to demographic ties, relocations, and changes during the Soviet era, the differentiation and partitioning of national borders in these areas faced new challenges and tensions. In recent years, Georgia has had severe border disputes with Russia, and Azerbaijan has faced significant border conflicts with Armenia. In this article, we aim to examine Iran’s foreign policy regarding this important region, particularly Nagorno-Karabakh, and the disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Over the past three decades, disputes over the Nagorno-Karabakh region have led to two bloody wars between Baku and Yerevan. The second Nagorno-Karabakh war ended swiftly with Azerbaijan's victory; however, we cannot foresee a resolution, as the effects and consequences of this war extend beyond the two involved countries. Iran shares borders with both Azerbaijan and Armenia and maintains close relations with both countries; nevertheless, their territorial disputes and prolonged conflicts have harmed Iran’s vital interests. Under such circumstances, shortcomings such as the lack of specific planning and the failure to adopt appropriate and calculated policies on the part of the Islamic Republic have become increasingly evident. It is noteworthy that the main issue of this research is to explore and diagnose the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Caucasus, specifically questioning why Iran has been unable to adopt a sound strategy and foreign policy toward this strategic region and its countries over the years, often being characterized as a country lacking adequate agency. In this study, upon conducting semi-structured interviews with experts in the fields of the Caucasus and foreign policy, we identified some critical factors contributing to the diagnosis of Iran's policies in the Caucasus, which we will discuss further. The aim of this research is to identify the factors that explain the reasons for the failure of Iran's foreign policy in the Caucasus region and to provide a sufficient response to the question of what the shortcomings of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy towards the Caucasus are. Given the aforementioned points, it is essential to conduct a thorough and detailed examination of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Additionally, a proper diagnosis is necessary for improving Iran's political behaviors and reforming certain policies regarding the important and strategic region of the Caucasus. In this article, through extensive research and studies, as well as discussions and interviews with specialists in the fields of Central Asia, the Caucasus, and foreign policy, we were able to arrive at significant propositions regarding this matter.

Abstract The Zionist regime is trying to gain a wide influence among the governments and especially the people by using multiple and diverse tools at the regional and international levels. In the meantime, one of the most important tools of the regime is the use of cultural and social components. The purpose of the current research is to explain the position and situation of the Zionist regime in terms of its cultural and social influence in the West Asian region. Tourism, the Jewish population, the media, etc., are some of the most important cultural and social components that have been addressed. The present article is a part of applied research in terms of its purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of its method. Along with the library sources, to complete the unknowns, an interview was also conducted with 6 specialists in the issues of the Zionist regime. The findings of the research showed that the connections of the Zionist regime with the countries of the region are in five spectrums of strong confrontation, confrontation, middle, interaction and strong interaction, and the cultural and social strategies of this regime against the countries of the region can be summarized in four important factors: 1) reducing the pressure of public opinion in the region; 2) influence in the cultural institutions of the countries of the region; 3) the supremacy of the media and 4) cultural influence with tools such as cinema; However, despite numerous and diverse strategies and tools, although relations with some governments

Abstract Terrorism is a familiar word in the international arena, and its specific meaning soon leads the mind to armed parties and movements that fight against countries and nations with illegitimate goals and demands. But it should be noted that this incident is actually rooted in the macro policies of some governments that have introduced their interest in colonizing and dominating other countries. On this basis, events called "state terrorism" are introduced, which undoubtedly form the basis of terrorist ranks and movements. In the meantime, state terrorism is one of the important tools in America's foreign policy strategy, and it tends to call itself the center of liberation, democracy and human rights, and by bringing the international system closer to its libertarian goals, it engages in state terrorism. From its point of view, America seeks to promote democracy in the world and has started the war against international terrorism. The main question of the current research is what effect American state terrorism has had on Iran's foreign policy since 2004. The result of the current research indicated that the United States has sought to weaken and confront the Islamic Republic of Iran by using force and instrumental use of state terrorism, as well as by using methods such as terror, harassment, and cruel behavior. This study has used descriptive-analytical method, library documents such as books, articles and other documents.

Abstract During the ups and downs history of Islam, there were groups, schools of thought and people who considered their opponents from other Islamic sects and religions to be takfir and excluded them from the religion of Islam under false pretenses and considered their blood, property and honor permissible. This destructive phenomenon, which the Khawarij were the masters of; During the last two centuries, it has been manifested in the extreme movements of Salafi-Takfiri, and in the shadow of recent developments in the region, they have found a suitable opportunity to implement their thoughts and ideas with the support of their supporters. Therefore, the mentioned research answers this question: "What are the formation grounds of Salafi-Takfiri currents in the Islamic world?" The current research, with analytical-descriptive method, while referring to the historical background of Takfiri currents in the Islamic world, considers the fields of formation of Salafi Takfiri currents as ideological, regional, international, geographical, political and sociological.

Abstract Ferdid and Sayyid Qutb were prominent Islamic thinkers whose ideas have had a significant impact on the political landscape of their respective countries and even the Islamic world. In this context, this article examines the influence of their political thought on shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam. This research utilizes a comparative analysis framework, employing Skinner’s hermeneutic method, and analyzes their writings and speeches to explore how their thoughts have shaped ideologies and political movements in Iran and Egypt and the effectiveness of these influences on the broader social and political development of the two countries. The findings of this research indicate that the ideas of these two thinkers have contributed to the formation of radical political Islamism, ideological narratives of religion and tradition, transitioning into the public and political spheres, and manifesting in the creation of radical political movements and a cultural policy based on intolerance and rejecting Western ideas in favor of a more traditional and conservative approach. These results suggest that despite the differences in the ideological foundations and political-social conditions of the two thinkers, their arguments follow a fundamentally similar structure that intersects in their insistence on the role of religion in shaping society and politics in the development of political Islam.

Abstract The question of this article is what are the most important challenges and limitations of cultural diplomacy between Iran and post-Saddam Iraq from 2003 to 2024? This research has been done with analytical-descriptive method with historical sociological approach to international relations and with library, internet and documentary techniques. The findings of this study showed that Iran has tried using the comprehensive discourse of historical relations with Iraqi Arabs in general and with Shiites in particular based on cultural and religious commonalities and an approach based on resistance against the development and hegemony of trans-regional powers, of course with the cooperation of the Iraqi government. , to create a suitable environment for cultural diplomacy and improving relations between the two nations. However, there have been challenges and obstacles in the way of cultural diplomacy between Iran and Iraq from 2003 to 2024, the most important of which are: the activities and negative role-playing of the American-Saudi media centered on Iran phobia in the region, the activities and destructive actions of Takfiri terrorist groups, especially ISIS. The formation and political-intellectual divisions between the Shiite organizations, especially the Sadr group and the rest of the Shiites, Shiite phobia in the region in the context of geocultural competition between the Shiite Crescent led by Iran and the Sunni bloc led by Saudi Arabia, the activeness of anti-Iranian currents in Iraq and the remnants of the Baath party. Foreign interventions in Iraqi affairs to make the government fragile, thecontinuationofsomepsychologicaleffectscausedbytheeffectsandconsequencesoftheIran-Iraqwar, thetwocountries'lackof seriouseffortstoexpandculturaldiplomacy toSunnifollowersand thelackofalong-termhorizonforcooperationbetweenthetwocountries

Abstract The members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, unlike the apparent alliance, lack a coherent approach in foreign policy. Some of these differences are rooted in regional contexts and their relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran. These conditions have provided an opportunity for the Islamic Republic of Iran to expand and strengthen its relations with Qatar and Oman in various political, security and economic fields, to attract these two countries in its regional policies and separate them from the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. In this regard, the “wedge strategy” has been one of the most important agendas of Iran's foreign policy in dealing with the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. Therefore, The question of the article is, how does the Islamic Republic of Iran take advantage of the divergence among the members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in order to realize its goals and interests?
In response to the mentioned question, this hypothesis has been proposed that " Due to the existence of political divergences among some members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, at the regional and extra-regional levels, the Islamic Republic of Iran, along with internal balancing, uses “wedge strategy” in order to prevent the creation of a regional alliance against this country and to converge with incompatible members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council”. The current research was carried out using the descriptive-analytical method and data collection was done in a library manner, using scientific journals and reliable internet sources.

Abstract The Gaza crisis that happened in October 2023 has been the most complex, longest, and most deadly crisis between the Zionist regime and the Palestinian resistance. For this reason, this crisis had a wide reflection on the world level. Some countries, especially America and England, sided with Israel, and some countries, such as South Africa, sided with Palestine and went as far as bringing Israel's case to the Hague Tribunal for the crime of genocide. The position of the Indian government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi regarding the Gaza crisis was also unique in its kind. The Indian government, contrary to the tradition of the independence leaders of this country, who usually supported the goals of Palestine, stood by Israel. This stance brought with it the question why the Modi government has adopted such a position? One of the important hypotheses in answering this question is that the affinity of Hindutva ideology as the ideology of the right-wing government of India and Zionism as the ideology of the right-wing government of Israel played a prominent role in Modi's position. The findings of the article also showed that the alignment of the two right-wing factions in India and Israel is not new, and their ideological affinity has brought them together at different historical times.

Abstract The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood which follows the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood In 1945, by Dr. Mostafa Sabaei, with the aim of combating colonialism and also confronting the occupation of Syria by France, was created in Aleppo, Significant effects on Syrian developments, particularly the political developments in this country. This party, after being recognized and on the implementation of the Ba'athist Socialist Party in Syria and the support of Hafez Assad and then Bashar al-Assad from this party (Ba'ath), it has always been in tension and opposition to the Damascus government and they are subject to repeated riots and armed attacks. Goal of this research is exploring the nature of the Muslim Brotherhood party and its role in the Syrian crisis and the role of the party in the expansion of the civil war in this country which interprets by reading the library and collect information from authoritative sources and books. The main question in the present article is that if this party had necessary performance and influence in order to achieve the it’s defined goals? It seems Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Party despite stimulation and organizing active age groups (Sunni’s active groups) in the course of the Salafist anti-central government of this country, has not performance and necessary influence and not reached to achieving its stated goals. In this research with the statement of theoretical basis,

Abstract Today, achieving sustainable development is one of the major issues for countries and developing countries, to compensate for the lack of progress and to achieve a balanced and comprehensive development that can lead to improving the living conditions of all people, need to have the correct knowledge and appropriate and optimal planning at the national and regional levels. Sustainable development includes three areas: environmental, social, and economic interaction. Its social dimension is the focus of this article. The main goal of this research is to rank the countries of the Islamic world in terms of social development indicators. In this study, 57 member countries of Islamic partners were examined. The type of research is applied and its method is descriptive-analytical. The data and information studied are provided from the World Bank website. For data analysis, COPRAS' multi-criteria decision-making method and Moran's correlation index were used. Findings from the data analysis show that four countries Qatar, Emirates, Iran, and Saudi Arabia ranked first to fourth. Qatar is in the best position in terms of social development indicators among Islamic countries. The results of the Moran index also show that the geographical distribution of countries with similar status can be caused by the strategic position, spatial advantage, or geographical location of these countries.

Abstract Saudi Arabia, as one of the main countries of Southwest Asia in terms of history,area, population and various influences in various dimensions, has unique potentials in the field of soft power. Hosting of important religious works and places, historical background and pivotal role in the region and the Arab and Islamic world has caused a lot of focus in the field of power. Nevertheless, since the inauguration of Mohammed bin Salman as the crown prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, many transformations have taken place in this field, and various programs and strategies have been implemented in the field of soft power and its dimensions.Based on this, the current research, emphasizing the soft power of Saudi Arabia in the era of bin Salman, seeks to answer this important question, which areas were the most important aspects of the evolution of Saudi Arabia's soft power? In response, this hypothesis has been proposed that during the era of Mohammad bin Salman, Riyadh, in addition to using the existing components and tools, focusing on new areas such as sports, extra-regional foreign tourism, economy and finally playing a new role in foreign policy in different regions. He has taken extensive and rare measures in the field of soft power. The method of this research is descriptive and the method of data collection is library .

Abstract The Zionist regime as an exceptional entity in the Middle East; It has used certain approaches and strategies in its foreign policy. Strategies such as increasing strategic depth, expanding the scope of wars and the approach of creating war in war, significant disregard for international and human rights and norms in foreign and military policies, accumulation of nuclear weapons, preemptive war, etc.; Among the cases that express exceptionalism in Israel's foreign policy, following the exceptionality of the existence of this regime. Accordingly, the main question is What effect has the psychological characteristics of Jews and their ghetto way of life in the host societies and finally the life of Zionists in a big ghetto called Israel had on the crazy actions of Israel's foreign policy? To answer this question, by analyzing what the ghetto is and its effect on the collective psyche of the Jews, by using the concepts of collective psychology and concepts such as the shadow in Jung's psychology, we propose the hypothesis that: the ghetto lifestyle and the specific psychological characteristics of the Jews, lead to the cultivation of a It has become a political monster in the collective psyche of their masses, which in the first stage led to the birth of Zionism and the formation of Israel, and in the next stage, led to the adoption of specific and insane foreign policies by the various ruling governments in Israel, in such a way that even in some cases, the opposition of its supporters has followed.

Abstract In many Islamic countries, the unregulated monetary market has emerged as a structural challenge to financial governance, contributing to economic instability, social unrest, and security vulnerabilities. The proliferation of unauthorized credit institutions operating outside formal regulatory frameworks has undermined monetary and banking policies, eroded public trust in financial systems, and exposed governments to systemic risks. This paper investigates the legal and policy dimensions of state intervention in organizing the unregulated monetary market, with a particular focus on its implications for financial transparency, institutional integrity, and economic security across the Islamic world. The central research question asks: how can governments utilize legal instruments and regulatory mechanisms to design an effective model for controlling and guiding informal monetary markets, thereby mitigating the risks posed by unauthorized financial actors and preventing future crises? The hypothesis posits that comprehensive regulation and robust oversight—especially by central monetary authorities such as central banks—can play a decisive role in reducing the hazards of informal financial activity and enhancing the health and transparency of Islamic financial systems. Using a descriptive-analytical methodology and drawing on domestic and international legal sources, this study proposes a framework for optimal regulatory design tailored to the monetary landscape of Islamic countries.
The monetary market is a cornerstone of economic systems, serving as a conduit for resource allocation, inflation control, and macroeconomic stability. However, in many Islamic nations, informal monetary markets—operating outside legal and institutional boundaries—have become a source of disruption. These markets attract public deposits through unauthorized credit institutions that promise high returns without regulatory oversight. In developing Islamic countries, weak legal structures and inadequate supervisory mechanisms have enabled these institutions to flourish. Their unchecked growth not only distorts monetary policy but also forces governments to intervene during crises, often at substantial fiscal cost. This dynamic undermines public confidence in formal financial institutions and exacerbates systemic vulnerabilities. Legally, the absence of a precise definition for informal monetary markets, coupled with regulatory gaps and ineffective enforcement, has contributed to their expansion. Despite legislative efforts such as Iran’s 2004 Law on Organizing the Unregulated Monetary Market and various five-year development plans, existing frameworks have failed to address the complexity of the issue. At the geopolitical level, financial instability caused by unauthorized institutions can weaken regional economic security and increase susceptibility to global shocks. Thus, legal and policy responses to informal monetary markets are not merely domestic imperatives but strategic priorities for the Islamic world.
This study highlights the multifaceted impact of unregulated monetary markets on economic governance and public welfare. The legal analysis reveals that the lack of a coherent framework for identifying and supervising unauthorized financial institutions has facilitated the unchecked growth of informal markets. In many countries, legislative ambiguities, institutional fragmentation, and weak enforcement mechanisms have rendered policy efforts ineffective. Comparative analysis with other jurisdictions shows that successful regulation of informal financial activity requires independent supervisory bodies, advanced technological tools, and access to reliable financial data. Islamic countries, particularly those in the developing category, face structural and institutional limitations that hinder effective oversight. Addressing these challenges demands political commitment, regional cooperation, and investment in regulatory infrastructure. Economically, unauthorized financial institutions disrupt formal capital mobilization, increase systemic risk, and diminish the capacity of governments to implement stabilization policies. By diverting substantial liquidity from formal banking channels, these entities contribute to financial volatility and heighten economic exposure during crises.
The security implications of informal monetary markets are equally significant. As public trust in formal financial systems declines, crisis-prone behaviors such as sudden deposit withdrawals and capital flight to informal sectors intensify. This trend can lead to rising poverty, reduced investment, and widening social inequalities. From a financial governance perspective, the role of the state in establishing effective oversight mechanisms, drafting transparent legislation, and enforcing regulations is critical. Government intervention must go beyond reactive measures and embrace proactive regulatory design. This includes building anticipatory systems, strengthening supervisory capacities, and formulating sustainable policies capable of continuously identifying, monitoring, and guiding informal financial activity. Emerging technologies such as Regulatory Technology (RegTech) offer promising tools for enhancing oversight. By leveraging data analytics, artificial intelligence, and automation, RegTech can facilitate real-time monitoring of illicit financial behavior and enable early detection of potential crises. Governments must invest in these technologies to modernize their regulatory capabilities and ensure adaptive resilience.