تأثیر نفوذ چین بر راهبرد آمریکا در منطقه غرب آسیا از 2021 تا. 2025.

نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 گروه روابط بین‌الملل، واحد تهران شمال، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران

2 گروه حقوق، واحد تهران شرق، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران

3 دانشیار روابط بین‌الملل، گروه مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران

10.22034/fasiw.2026.246023
چکیده
چین به‌عنوان یک قدرت نوظهور در جهان، نفوذ خود را در منطقه غرب آسیا به‌سرعت افزایش داده است. از زمان به قدرت رسیدن کمونیست‌ها در چین، این کشور روابط خوبی را با چندین کشور در منطقه برقرار کرده است و اکنون پکن به‌عنوان یک رقیب جدی برای هژمونی ایالات‌متحده دیده می‌شود. اقتصاد رو به رشد، قدرت نظامی، بهره‌وری بازار و رویکرد به‌اصطلاح عدم مداخله‌گرایانه، اهرمی قدرتمند را برای تعامل بیشتر با کشورهای غرب آسیا در اختیار چین قرار داده است. جاه‌طلبی‌های چین در غرب آسیا تنها محدود به نفت، گاز و بازار نیست، بلکه این منطقه از اهمیت راهبردی نیز برخوردار است و ابتکار «کمربند-راه» شامل تمامی جنبه‌ها می‌شود. در مقطع کنونی قدرت دیپلماتیک، اقتصادی و نظامی در حال گسترش چین به یک تهدید جدی برای ایالات‌متحده تبدیل شده است، هدف این پژوهش بررسی ابعاد نفوذ فزاینده چین بر امنیت منطقه و تأثیر آن بر تغییر سیاست ایالات‌متحده نسبت به این منطقه است. در این راستا سؤال اصلی پژوهش حاضر این است که گسترش نفوذ چین در غرب آسیا چه تأثیری بر تغییر راهبرد آمریکا در این منطقه از سال 2021 تا 2025 داشته است؟ پژوهش حاضر بر اساس روش‌شناسی و رویکردی مبتنی بر روش‌های کیفی و توصیفی-تحلیلی، به تحلیل این مسئله پرداخته است که نفوذ چین باعث نگرانی‌های ایالات‌متحده نسبت به غرب آسیا و احیای مجدد نفوذ و حضورش از طریق بازگشت به منطقه، دیپلماسی اقتصادی، دیپلماسی فناوری و درپیش گرفتن سیاست‌های ائتلاف سازی چند لایه جدید در منطقه در طول سال‌های 2021 تا 2025 شده است.

کلیدواژه‌ها

موضوعات

عنوان مقاله English

The impact of China's influence on the U.S. strategy in the West Asia region from 2021 to 2025

نویسندگان English

Mohammadreza Hatamvand 1
Rahmat Hajimineh 2
Nozar Shafie 3
1 Department of International Relations, North Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad Institute, Tehran, Iran
2 Department of Law, Tehran East Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran
3 Assistant professor of International relations, department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran,, Tehran. Iran
چکیده English

Introduction :The West Asia region, referred to in geopolitical literature as both the cradle of ancient civilizations and the epicenter of contemporary crises, has consistently played a pivotal role in global security and economic equations. Owing to its possession of the world's largest proven oil and gas reserves, its location at the crossroads of three continents, and its numerous flashpoints of tension, West Asia has historically been the primary arena for great-power rivalries. For the past seven decades, the United States — relying on an extensive network of military bases, a formidable naval fleet, and a web of security treaties with key regional states — had managed to establish an unparalleled hegemony over this region. However, the rise of the People's Republic of China as an emerging economic and political power on the international stage has fundamentally challenged this long-standing structure.
The central research question this study seeks to answer is: "How has China's multidimensional influence in the West Asia region during the 2021–2025 period affected the strategies, priorities, and practical actions of the United States in this region?" In response, the core hypothesis posits that, unlike the traditional U.S. approach based on military interventions, direct force presence, and unilateral security ordering, China — by leveraging economic soft power, multilateral diplomacy, and massive infrastructure investments — has succeeded in constraining Washington's strategic space in the region, compelling it to undertake a profound reassessment of its policies. The significance and necessity of this research lie in its precise depiction of emerging trends in West Asia's regional order, its provision of an analytical framework for better understanding international system dynamics in the era of power transition, and its assistance to policymakers and regional studies scholars in more accurately assessing plausible future scenarios.

Theoretical Framework :To analyze the escalating rivalry between these two major powers in West Asia, this study employs Offensive Realism as its primary theoretical framework. This theory, systematically articulated by John Mearsheimer in his seminal work The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, rests on five core assumptions: (1) the international system is anarchic, lacking any overarching sovereign authority to resolve disputes; (2) great powers inherently possess offensive military capabilities that can be used to threaten others; (3) states can never be certain of others' intentions; (4) survival is the primary goal of states; and (5) states are rational actors seeking to maximize their relative power. Within this framework, China's emergence and its steadily growing economic, technological, and military capabilities are interpreted as a serious threat to U.S. regional and global hegemony. Moreover, China's pragmatic and non-confrontational approach — built on the principle of "win-win cooperation" and avoidance of direct military engagement — has created favorable conditions for its penetration into domains previously regarded as America's exclusive sphere of influence.Conceptually, key notions such as "Balance of Power," "Hegemony," "Economic Diplomacy," "Complex Interdependence," and "Great Strategic Rivalry" are employed in this research. Furthermore, to more accurately explain China's behavior, the concept of "Smart Power" — combining hard and soft power — has been utilized. By successfully integrating economic investments (economic hard power), provision of regional public goods (soft power), and maintaining neutrality in regional states' internal conflicts (diplomatic smart power), China has demonstrated a novel model of influence that has been insufficiently addressed in earlier theoretical literature.

Research Methodology: This study is designed and conducted using a qualitative approach with a descriptive-analytical method. Data collection is based on content analysis of authoritative scientific documents, strategic reports from reputable international institutions such as the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), the International Crisis Group (ICG), annual U.S. Department of Defense reports on China's military power, and official statements by senior officials from both countries and regional states. The study's timeframe is deliberately limited to the years 2021–2025 to enable precise examination of current developments and the short-to-medium-term effects of China's active presence in the region. To ensure validity and reliability, the triangulation method has been employed, whereby data are collected and cross-referenced from multiple sources and through various approaches. The coding and content analysis process has been conducted systematically using thematic categorization. In this context, five dimensions of China's influence in West Asia have been identified and subjected to in-depth analysis: (1) economic dimension (trade, investment, and energy); (2) political-diplomatic dimension (bilateral and multilateral relations and mediation); (3) technological-infrastructural dimension (construction projects, communication networks, and technology transfer); (4) security-military dimension (training cooperation, arms sales, and joint exercises); and (5) cultural-public dimension (public diplomacy and academic exchanges). Correspondingly, U.S. responses in each of these domains have been categorized and explained separately.

Research Findings:The research findings indicate that during 2021–2025, China, through the adoption of a smart, multi-layered, and forward-looking strategy, has established a steadily growing and sustainable presence in West Asia that extends far beyond mere economic relations. In the economic dimension: In addition to securing a stable flow of oil and gas from major producing countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, China has undertaken large-scale investments in strategic infrastructure projects, including the construction and management of modern ports (such as Shahid Beheshti Port in Chabahar and Khalifa Port in Abu Dhabi), development of high-speed rail networks, establishment of special economic zones and industrial parks, and expansion of advanced communication networks and the Internet of Things. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) — as the largest infrastructure investment project in human history — has played a central role in linking the economic interests of regional countries with China's economy and creating transregional value chains. By 2023, China's trade volume with Gulf Cooperation Council countries exceeded $300 billion, more than double the trade volume of these countries with the United States in the same year. In the political and diplomatic dimension: By adopting a policy of "active neutrality" in regional conflicts and strengthening strategic bilateral relations with key regional actors — including Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the UAE, and Egypt — China has succeeded in presenting itself as a cross-factional, trustworthy, and independent player free from the region's identity-based and religious disputes. The most significant event in this domain was Beijing's historic mediation in the normalization agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023, which, through the signing of a tripartite statement in Beijing, created a dramatic shift in the security dynamics of the Persian Gulf and West Asia. This move demonstrated China's emerging capacity for engagement in complex security conflicts and signified the decline of the traditional U.S. role as the region's sole hegemonic mediator.


Discussion and Analysis of Results: The results derived from the findings clearly demonstrate that China's growing multidimensional influence in West Asia has unprecedentedly challenged the United States' long-standing hegemony. This challenge is not only manifest in the economic sphere — reducing America's share of regional energy markets and infrastructure projects — but is equally pronounced in strategic and diplomatic domains. On the one hand, Washington — which in recent decades, especially after the 2008 financial crisis, had adopted the "Pivot to Asia" or "Rebalancing toward East Asia" strategy centered on containing China — now confronts a new and paradoxical reality: China has not only emerged as a dominant power in its traditional sphere of influence in East Asia, but has also established new and extensive bases of influence in the heart of America's vital sphere, i.e., West Asia. This situation places the White House in a strategic dilemma: any withdrawal or reduction of presence from the region will be interpreted as ceding strategic space to the rival, while any direct military confrontation or engagement could incur enormous financial, human, and diplomatic costs. In response to this existential challenge, the United States has undertaken a series of diverse measures, including: (1) significantly increasing military and economic aid to its long-standing regional allies, particularly Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain; (2) attempting to revive regional security pacts, such as the creation of a joint naval fleet under the "Combined Forces" banner in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz; (3) intensive diplomacy to normalize Israel's relations with Arab states through the Abraham Accords; (4) intensifying economic and technological sanctions against Chinese companies and institutions active in the region; and (5) striving to design and present alternative projects to the Belt and Road Initiative, such as the "Build Back Better World" (B3W) scheme and the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII). However, evidence suggests that purely confrontational and security-oriented strategies no longer possess their former efficacy, and the U.S. is gradually compelled to accept the reality of the multipolarization of the regional order and China's effective role alongside other powers.

Conclusion:Based on the comprehensive analyses conducted in this study, the escalating rivalry between China and the United States in West Asia is not a temporary or fleeting phenomenon but rather a tangible reflection of profound and fundamental changes in the global balance of power and the transition from a unipolar order to a multipolar-multi-actor one. China, skillfully utilizing economic tools, long-term infrastructure investments, non-confrontational diplomacy, and a win-win cooperation approach, is redefining its role from a marginal actor and mere energy supplier to an effective, influential, and even decisive player in West Asia's security and political equations. In contrast, the United States — accustomed for decades to exclusive, unilateral, and coercive role-playing in this region — now faces an unprecedented historical scenario that demands fundamental adjustments to its traditional strategies, reduced reliance on military interventions, and adaptation to the new regional and global order.

کلیدواژه‌ها English

China
United States
West Asia
East Asia
Offensive Realism
Akrami, T., & Mohammadi Ramezani, M. (2024). Examining the strategic competition between America and China: Case study: West Asia region. Scientific Quarterly of Middle East Studies, 31(1) , 127-143. {In Persian}
 
Alenezi, D. A. (2024). US rebalance strategy to Asia and US-China rivalry in South China Sea from the perspective of the offensive realism. Review of Economics and Political Science, 9(2), 102-115. https://doi.org/10.1108/REPS-10-2019-0132.
 
 
Al-Sudairi, M. (2024). The China effect: Saudi-Iran détente and its regional implications (Research Paper No. 24-01). King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/3/12/the-saudi-iran-detente-and-its-regional.
 
Benabdallah, L., Yellinek, R., & al., e. (2021). China’s engagement in Africa and the Middle East. NATO Strategic Direction-South Hub. https://thesouthernhub.org/topics/socio-economic/china-engagement-africa-middle-east.
 
Burton, G. (2021). The US and China in the Middle East: Rivals or partners? Royal United Services Institute. https://www.rusi.org/explore-our- research/publications/commentary/us-and-china-middle-east-rivals-or-partners?utm_source=chatgpt.com.
 
Batyuk, V. I., & Morozov, Y. V. (2022). Politics and strategy of the United States, the Russian Federation, and China in the Middle East. Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 92(Suppl. 10), S1010–S1017. https://doi.org/10.1134/S1019331622100021.
 
China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations. (2023). China's investment trends in Belt and Road countries: 2013-2022. CICIR Press. https://greenfdc.org/china-belt-and-road-initiative-bri-investment-report-2022./
 
China Academy of Military Sciences. (2023). Annual report on international military cooperation. People's Liberation Army Press. https://english.pla.gov.cn/reports/2023/military_cooperation.pdf.
 
China's Military-Civil Fusion Development Report. (2024). Export growth projections 2025. National Defense University Press. https://en.ndupress.ndu.edu/Publications/Report/MCF-2024.
 
Department of Defense. (2020). Military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China: Annual report to Congress. https://www.uscc.gov/annual-report/2020-annual-report-congress.
 
Feng, J. (2023). China makes moves in Middle East after Biden's frosty reception. Newsweek. https://www.newsweek.com/china-saudi-arabia-gulf-middle-east-us-relations-economics-security-1768304.
 
International Institute for Strategic Studies. (2023). Military exercises database: China-Gulf cooperation. International Institute for Strategic Studies. https://www.iiss.org/publications/military-balance.
 
Iranian Parliament Research Center. (2024). Strategic ports development plan.
 
Janes Defence Weekly.(2021). UAE acquires Chinese HQ-9 missile systems. https://www.janes.com/defence-news/news-detail/uae-acquires-chinese-hq-9-missile-systems.
 
Jones, S. G., & Takeyh, R. (2023). U.S. re-engagement in the Middle East: A strategic response to China (Report No. 2302). Center for Strategic and International Studies.  https://www.csis.org/analysis/framework-us-china-engagement.
 
Karimi Fard, H. (2023). Analysis of political and economic competition between America and China in the Middle East in the years 2021 to 2023. Fundamental and Applied Studies of the Islamic World, 5(4), 137-162. {In Persian}
 
Kaye, D. D., Robinson, L., Martini, J., Vest, N., & Rhoades, A. L. (2021). Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East: Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA958-1.html.
 
Lons, C., Fulton, J., Sun, D., & Al-Tamimi, N. (2019). China’s great game in the Middle East. European Council on Foreign Relations. https://geopoliticalcompass.com/chinas-great-game-in-the-middle-east./
 
Majidi, M. (2023). 3,000 more U.S. troops to the Persian Gulf: New conflict coming against Iran? https://liberationnews.org/3000-more-u-s-troops-to-the-persian-gulf-new-conflict-coming-against-iran./
 
Mandelbaum, M. (2019). The new containment: handling Russia, China, and Iran. Foreign Affairs, 98, 123. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-02-12/new-containment.
 
Mazel, Z. (2022). China's growing economic impact on the Middle East. GIS Reports. https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/china-middle-east./
 
Mearsheimer, J. (2001). The tragedy of great power politics, New York: Norton.
 
Mearsheimer, J. (2001). The tragedy of great power politics (G. Cheghenizadeh, Trans.). Ministry of Foreign Affairs Publications. (Original work published 2001) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China. (2023). Statistical yearbook of diplomatic exchanges: 2022 edition. MOFA Press.
 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China. (2023). China-Pakistan-Afghanistan trilateral dialogue joint statement.https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/.
 
Moshirzadeh, H. (2007). Development in the theories of international relations (3rd ed.). Samt. {In Persian}
 
Musthafa, A. R. (2023). Behind the U.S. military mobilization to the Persian Gulf. https://www.kompas.id/baca/english/2023/08/11/en-di-balik-gesekan-as-iran-di-teluk-persia.
 
Nagy, S. (2023). Drivers of US-China Strategic Competition: Understanding the Chinese Perspective. Institute for Security & Development Policy, 1-2. https://www.isdp.eu/publication/drivers-of-u-s-china-strategic-competition-understanding-the-chinese-perspective./
 
Nawaz, A., & Owais, S. (2024). Global security initiative: China’s architecture and its role in redefining security and resolving conflicts in Middle East. International Journal of Political Science and Governance, 6(2), 380–384. https://orcasia.org/article/929/chinas-global-security-initiative.
 
Ozkarasahin, S. (2022). China makes a move in the Middle East: How far will Sino-Arab strategic rapprochement go? The Jamestown Foundation. https://jamestown.org/program/china-makes-a-move-in-the-middle-east-how-far-will-sino-arab-strategicrapprochement.
 
Pakbaten, M., & Talebi, A. (2024). The US and the policy of containing China in West Asia. Scientific Quarterly of Political Strategy, 8(3), 43-62. {In Persian}
 
Pei, M. (2022). How the US can counter China's Middle East influence. Project Syndicate. https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/how-the-us-can-counter-chinas-middle-east-influence./
 
Saudi Gazette. (2022). Saudi Arabia, China sign Wing Loong II drone deal.
https://saudigazette.com.sa/article/621234/SAUDI-ARABIA/Saudi-Arabia-China-sign-Wing-Loong-II-drone-deal.
 
Sahu, A. (2024). U.S. and West Asia: An enduring obsession. The Defence Horizon Journal. https://tdhj.org/blog/post/usa-west-asia/.
 
Singh, M. (2022). The Middle East in a multipolar era: Why America’s allies are flirting with Russia and China. Foreign Affairs. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/middle-east/middle-east-multipolar-era.
 
Soliman, M. (2021). An Indo-Abrahamic alliance on the rise: How India, Israel, and the UAE are creating a new transregional order. Middle East Institute. https://www.mei.edu/publications/indo-abrahamic-alliance-rise-how-india-israel-and-uae-are-creating-new-transregional.
 
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. (2024). Arms Transfers Database.
https://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers.
 
Tankel, S., Curtis, L., Fitt, J., & Goldberg, C. (2021). Positive visions, powerful partnerships: The keys to competing with China in a post-pandemic Indo-Pacific. Center for a New American Security. https://www.cnas.org/publications/reports/positive-visions-powerful-partnerships.
 
The White House. (2023). Joint statement on U.S.-Saudi strategic defense partnership. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements- releases/2023/07/15/joint-statement-us-saudi-defense-partnership.
 
U.S. Department of Defense. (2022). Military construction program: FY2022 annual report (DoD Publication No. 2022-015). https://www.defense.gov/News/Reports.
 
U.S. Naval Institute News. (2023). China-Iran-Russia naval drills in Indian Ocean.https://news.usni.org/2023/03/12/china-iran-russia-begin-naval-exercise-in-indian-ocean.
 
Wasser, B., Shatz, H. J., Drennan, J., Scobell, A., Carlson, B., & Crane, Y. K. (2022). Crossroads of competition: China, Russia, and the United States in the Middle East. RAND Corporation. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA325-1.html.
 
World Bank. (2023). Middle East and North Africa economic update: China's growing role in the region. World Bank Group. https://www.worldbank.org/en/region/mena/publication/mena-economic-update.
 
Xinhua. (2024, January 10). China proposes four-point peace plan for Yemen.
https://www.xinhuanet.com/english/.
 
Zafar, A. (2022). Growing Chinese involvement in West Asia: Factors and implications. Indian Journal of International Studies, 2(3 & 4), January-June & July-December 2022. https://dx.doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.33434.72640.
 
Zhang, Y. (2022). Analysis of China's energy efficiency and influencing factors under carbon peaking and carbon neutrality goals. Journal of Cleaner Production, 370, 133604. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2022.133604.